Africa could be the world’s next major distribution hub and consumer base for electric vehicles Originally published on Global Voices A road in Casablanca, Morocco. Morocco could play a leading role in Africa’s electric vehicle transition. Image from Wikimedia Commons . License CC BY 3.0 . This article was submitted as part of the Global Voices Climate Justice fellowship, which pairs journalists from Sinophone and Global Majority countries to investigate the effects of Chinese development projects abroad. Find more stories here . Over the last decade, Chinese automakers like BYD, Xpeng, Chery, Wuling, and others have expanded aggressively into the United States and Europe , partly because oversaturation in the domestic market and ongoing price war have made it challenging for automakers to stay profitable. In light of this, Beijing has encouraged Chinese enterprises to go abroad and enter overseas markets through innovation and attractively low prices — especially through green products such as electric vehicles (EVs). However, these markets may no longer be ideal for Chinese automakers looking for foreign buyers. In September 2024, then-US President Joe Biden imposed 100 percent tariffs on Chinese EVs , with current President Donald Trump bumping this to 154 percent in June 2025 . Meanwhile, the European Union has launched investigations into whether Beijing’s national strategy has driven the industry to utilize unfair subsidies. From Washington to Brussels, Chinese automakers face accusations of dumping EVs at unfair prices and damaging the global market. The EU implemented trade barriers in October 2024 to combat this . Facing strong resistance in established automotive markets, many Chinese EV companies are turning to the Global South and shifting their market strategy toward low- and middle-income countries. Africa as the next EV frontier In the new global trade landscape, Africa is no longer just a source of raw materials such as cobalt, lithium, and rare earths — the coveted minerals that feed global battery production. It is an attractive consumer market for automakers looking for new customers and is emerging as a site for production and assembly in China’s electric vehicle supply chain. Read more: Is China responsible for the illegal extraction of mineral resources by its companies in Africa? China's leading automobile maker , BYD, has announced plans to nearly triple its dealership network in South Africa by 2026. Analysts called this a swift move to consolidate market share while competitors hesitate . Another Chinese automobile giant, Chery, is also expanding rapidly across South Africa and Kenya, targeting middle-class buyers with relatively affordable models. According to RFI , Chery South Africa CEO Tony Liu said: 南非是通往非洲大陆的重要门户。南非有非常成熟的汽车金融体系，也有成熟的消费者，他们对售后服务有很高的期望。因此，我们实际上认为南非对我们来说是一个非常具有战略意义的国家和市场。 South Africa is an important gateway to the African continent. South Africa has a very mature auto finance system and also mature consumers who have high expectations for after-sales service. Therefore, we actually consider South Africa to be a very strategic country and market for us. South African President Cyril Ramaphosa tours the Headquarters of BYD and Huawei in Guangdong Province during a visit to China in September 2024 and poses with a BYD model car. Image from South Africa’s GovernmentZA official Flickr account. CC BY-ND 2.0 To facilitate continental battery production, Chinese company Gotion High Tech is building Africa’s first EV gigafactory in Kenitra, Morocco. Moroccan authorities celebrated this project as a positive development that could help the country pivot from industries focused on raw extraction to higher-value production . The government press release read : Cet investissement stratégique majeur, qui porte sur la réalisation d'un écosystème industriel complet de fabrication de batteries électriques à Kenitra, est non seulement la première « gigafactory » qui sera réalisée au Maroc, mais également la première du genre de toute la région Middle East & Africa, consolidant ainsi la position de leader régional du Royaume dans l’industrie automobile et la transition énergétique. This major strategic investment, which involves the creation of a complete industrial ecosystem for the manufacturing of electric batteries in Kenitra, is not only the first ‘gigafactory’ to be built in Morocco, but also the first of its kind in the entire Middle East and Africa region, thus consolidating the Kingdom’s position as a regional leader in the automotive industry and the energy transition. The Gotion High Tech gigafactory is set to open in June 2026, and its location could make it a significant export base for European and African markets. In countries that have traditionally enjoyed warm relations with China, such as Ghana and Kenya, Chinese ministries and state-linked associations are busy holding automotive summits with African governments. New investments in assembly plants and charging infrastructure are packaged as part of “ green mobility partnerships .” Together, these moves show a deliberate attempt to weave Africa into China’s global EV map — not just as a supplier, but as a distribution hub and consumer base. Africa’s own EV momentum To understand the depth of this shift, it’s important to note that African states are not merely passive recipients of Chinese capital. Many countries are proactively embracing the EV transition. According to regional analysis from WowAfrica, a Chinese-language news site about investment in Africa, African countries can be sorted into two categories regarding their approach to EVs: First, established auto producers such as South Africa, Morocco, and Egypt see EVs as a natural extension of their automotive sectors. These narratives align well with China’s goal to create a stronghold in the African market. Secondly, there are the automotive newcomers, such as Kenya, Rwanda, and Uganda . These countries lack legacy industries but view EVs as a chance to leapfrog into cleaner, high-tech manufacturing. While each government has its own agenda, all are trying to leverage the EV transition and tie it into their national economic development plans. For example, Kenya has become one of Africa’s most dynamic EV hubs, boosted by tax incentives , a rapid deployment of charging stations, and governmental support in integrating EV development into the national energy strategy. The capital city, Nairobi, has launched a fleet of electric buses to make its public transportation system greener. An electric bus charging in Nairobi, Kenya. Screenshot from YouTube video . Fair use. A star startup company, Roam Motors in Kenya, has secured financing from the US government’s development finance institution (DFC) to scale electric buses and motorcycles , while German development agency GIZ is working with the government to upgrade transport efficiency. Another example is Uganda’s introduction of a National Electric Mobility Policy in 2018. The policy offers favorable exemptions from VAT, import duties, and tax cuts for EVs, batteries, and charging equipment. EV24.Africa, a group promoting EV adoption on the continent, explained the government's long-term plans: “ The government aims to encourage EV adoption despite higher costs, targeting full electrification of public transport by 2030 and passenger vehicles by 2040 .” Meanwhile, Morocco is in an especially unique position on the continent, as a potential gateway into African, European, and US markets. An estimated 80–90 percent of Morocco’s vehicle output is currently exported to Europe, second only to China . The Moroccan government has announced plans to leverage its robust manufacturing network to ensure up to 60 percent of its exported cars are electric by 2030. Moroccan officials have highlighted the country’s position as a free-trade partner with raw-material suppliers and European buyers, making it a logical hub for battery gigafactories. China has strongly welcomed such policies. For years, Morocco has been painted as one of the most essential parts of China’s Belt and Road initiative (BRI), its global infrastructure, transportation, and energy connectivity project. The EU’s latest tariff controls on Chinese EVs have made Morocco a highly discussed and enticing new hub for Chinese companies. Global Exhibition, a Shanghai-based group facilitating business expansion into Western Asia and North Africa, explained the strategy behind the shift to Morocco: 对中国而言，摩洛哥不仅是其电动汽车行业离岸外包的重要选择，更是其全球战略棋局中的一枚关键棋子。通过布局摩洛哥，中国不仅能够避开欧美的保护主义政策，继续将产品销往西方市场，还能够进一步拓展其在非洲和全球的影响力。 For China, Morocco is not only an important offshore outsourcing option for its electric vehicle industry but also a strategic pawn in its global game plan. By establishing a strong presence in Morocco, China can sidestep US and European protectionist policies to keep selling into Western markets, while at the same time expanding its influence across Africa and the broader global stage. A large number of Chinese media and state-related research institutes are similarly praising Morocco for its essential role in boosting China’s global EV strategy. But it’s not the only player trying to get into the EV production game. The South African government announced in March 2025 that it would commit ZAR 1 billion (USD 54.27 million) to boost its electric vehicle (EV) production by 2035. This investment aims to transform the country’s automotive industry by focusing on EVs, batteries, and supporting infrastructure. The local government believes “the plan aligns with global sustainability goals and aims to reduce greenhouse gas emissions while maintaining South Africa’s position as a leading automotive hub in sub-Saharan Africa.” Based on this momentum, it’s fair to say that Africa is not just being “plugged into” China’s supply chain, but is also trying to set its own terms in the global EV race. A BYD outlet. Screenshot from YouTube . The promise and the trap Chinese state narratives, its companies, and national policymakers all believe China’s EV market integration with Africa is a “win-win” — Africa gets jobs, infrastructure, and rapid clean mobility integration, while China maintains production volumes and global reach. But the reality is more complex. Many analysts have warned that Africa risks being locked into the lower ladder of the EV value chain. Assembly plants and dealerships rarely transition into advanced manufacturing or technology transfer, according to a report by Africa Confidential . Another risk is the uneven benefits. Even Morocco’s gigafactory, though ambitious, is deeply tied to Chinese-controlled networks , raising questions about sovereignty and bargaining power. A long-term risk is the so-called Green Paradox — EVs are undeniably more climate-friendly than gas cars in the long term, but the initial extraction of cobalt, lithium, and rare earths needed to manufacture them often brings environmental and social damage if the mining is unregulated, careless, and exploitative. Without stronger governance, Africa risks replicating old extractive patterns under a “green” banner . The result may be dependency hidden in language of sustainability: Africa as a peripheral supplier and low-cost consumer market in a Chinese-led system. To combat this, green advocates insist that local voices must be heard and included in decision-making processes. If the green transition is to be just and equitable, African people must be included and have an equal stake. Written by Jean Sovon , Vivian Wu

Multiple whistleblower protection bills have stalled in Nigeria’s National Assembly over the years Originally published on Global Voices Panelists at the National interactive forum on whistleblower protection for Federal High Court Judges. Photo by AFRICMIL. Used with permission. Nigeria’s whistleblower policy , introduced on December 21, 2016, was designed as a quick fix to expose systemic corruption. It promised whistleblowers between 2.5 and 5 percent of recovered looted public funds. However, while the policy incentivizes disclosures, it does not guarantee protection. Instead, whistleblowers often face surveillance, dismissal, or even death threats . Multiple attempts to pass a whistleblower protection bill over the years have stalled in Nigeria’s National Assembly, leaving whistleblowers legally vulnerable. Nigeria’s fragile whistleblowing framework On September 18, 2025, Federal High Court judges and civil society advocates debated on Nigeria’s fragile whistleblowing framework at a national interactive forum convened by the African Centre for Media & Information Literacy (AFRICMIL) for federal high court judges, in Abuja, Nigeria’s capital city. Harry Ogwuche, the Director of Economic and Social Rights at Nigeria’s National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), shared during the debate: Protecting whistleblowers is not an abstract anti-corruption strategy; it is a direct, proactive investment in the enjoyment of fundamental human rights as enshrined in Chapter IV of our Constitution and various international covenants Nigeria is party to. The role of judges in protecting whistleblowers While seeking the support of judges in the advocacy for a whistleblower protection law in Nigeria, Chido Onumah, Coordinator of AFRICMIL, said: Judges are key actors in any judicial system. Therefore, the forum aims to provide a platform for interaction with judges on whistleblowing, its legal framework, and the critical role they play in ensuring justice for whistleblowers and handling corruption cases effectively. At the forum, persecuted whistleblower Yisa Usman shared how he was pressured, intimidated, and sidelined from his profession after blowing the whistle on his company. Usman is a chartered accountant who worked in the finance and accounts department, but after exposing corruption, he was redeployed to the ICT department, transferred to different states, and subsequently fired. He said: Because I decided to speak up, I am jobless. I was ostracized and frustrated to accept the norm. To remain silent is to be complicit. To achieve results as a whistleblower, it is important to be familiar with the laws because if you know the laws that guide and protect you, you will be able to challenge them. Despite several attempts to detain me, I am walking free because of the judiciary. Existing and pending laws to protect whistleblowers Nigeria’s Constitution and several statutes already contain protections that could be extended to whistleblowers. These include: Section 39 of the 1999 Constitution , which guarantees freedom of expression. Section 6(4)(c) of the National Human Rights Commission Act prohibits harassment of individuals who cooperate with the Commission. Anti-corruption laws like the EFCC Act and ICPC Act provide limited safeguards. The Freedom of Information Act protects disclosures made in good faith. In practice, these fragmented provisions are inconsistently applied, and without a unified protection law, whistleblowers continue to face retaliation. Nigeria’s situation contrasts sharply with that of its regional neighbors. Ghana’s Whistleblower Act (Act 720) and South Africa’s Protected Disclosures Act provide dedicated mechanisms. Vladimir Radomirović, a Serbian journalist and co-founder of Pištaljka , an organization based in Belgrade that provides free legal aid and protection to whistleblowers, shared his experiences of building alliances with the judiciary to strengthen whistleblower protection in Serbia. He said: The judges have a very influential role in protecting whistleblowers in Serbia, and we try to work with judges and allow them to hear from whistleblowers about how they are retaliated against for protecting the public interest. AFRICMIL and its partners urged the Nigerian legislature to urgently enact the whistleblower protection law, one that guarantees anonymity, provides penalties against retaliation, and establishes an independent body to oversee cases. Whistleblowers and civil society organizations appealed to judges to embrace a proactive role in safeguarding whistleblowers. They called for progressive adjudication that interprets existing laws in the spirit of transparency and protection for defenders; expedited hearings to ensure justice is not delayed and therefore denied; the awarding of exemplary damages against retaliators to serve as a deterrent; and above all, the protection of anonymity in court procedures. These recommendations, they argued, are vital if the judiciary is to strengthen trust, uphold justice, and ensure that whistleblowing truly serves as a tool for accountability in Nigeria. Written by Pamela Ephraim

A United Nations Women poll found that 58 percent of girls and young women have experienced at least one form of online harassment, often before they turn twenty-five.

‘Technology-facilitated gender-based violence isn’t a side effect of digital growth. It’s the price women pay for being online.’ Originally published on Global Voices Women using social media. Image by cottonbro studio on Pexels ( Free to use ). In early 2025, researchers tracking African elections uncovered a wave of AI-generated deepfake videos targeting women journalists and female candidates in Ghana, Senegal, and Namibia — synthetic clips designed to humiliate and discredit them, and drive them offline. The attack was chillingly effective, echoing a broader pattern in which technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV) silences women’s voices at precisely the moments they most need to be heard. A global survey released in April shows the scale of the problem. More than half of women entrepreneurs in low- and middle-income countries report online harassment, and four in ten have pulled back from public life to protect themselves. Among women journalists, the picture is worse, with nearly three-quarters saying they have endured abuse that is often tied to disinformation and deepfakes. Yet most digital platforms still act on safety only after harm has spread, treating protection as an upgrade instead of a core function. Safety by design flips that script by embedding privacy, consent, and abuse detection into code and business rules from the start. What exactly is TFGBV — and why does “Safety by Design” matter? Technology-facilitated gender-based violence ( TFGBV ) is “any act that is committed, assisted, aggravated, or amplified through digital tools and ICTs that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, psychological, social, political, or economic harm.” It ranges from image-based abuse, deep-fake pornography, and sextortion to doxxing, cyber-stalking, hate speech, and gendered disinformation. Because the content can be replicated, searched, and shared indefinitely, the harm is portable across platforms and persistent over time, blurring the boundary between “online” and “offline” abuse. A United Nations Women poll found that 58 percent of girls and young women have experienced at least one form of online harassment, often before they turn twenty-five. In Kenya, a 2024 study of university students found that almost 90 percent witnessed technology-facilitated abuse on campus timelines, and nearly four in ten had been targets themselves. These numbers point to a crisis where victims frequently respond by self-censoring, stepping back from public life, and losing economic or political opportunities, which in turn suppresses diverse voices in civic discourse. Support Global Voices as we publish more articles like this one For more information about this campaign, please go here. And that’s why Safety by Design matters. The Australian eSafety Commissioner frames Safety by Design as putting “user safety and rights at the center of product development,” encouraging companies to anticipate, detect, and eliminate online harms before they occur rather than “moving fast and breaking things.” Safety by Design provides a common vocabulary and measurable benchmarks for safety. In short, it moves TFGBV prevention from an afterthought to a design requirement, the digital equivalent of fitting seatbelts in every car. Responsibility spans the entire ecosystem, encompassing platforms, regulators, developers, and civic groups, rather than resting on engineers alone. The role of technology developers and civil society Civil society is often the first place survivors turn and the last line of accountability when companies or states fall short. Across Africa, feminist tech collectives, digital-rights NGOs, and faith-based survivor networks are converting lived experience into data, tools, and hard policy wins, while plugging into global coalitions for bigger leverage. East African trainers from the Safe Sisters network travel from market towns to radio stations, teaching women journalists how to spot spyware and store evidence in the cloud. South African coders behind the GRIT mobile app are demonstrating what safety-first engineering looks like in practice. After conversations with survivors of domestic violence, the team built an encrypted vault that lets users record evidence and store court details in a cloud space that only they can unlock. The feature has pushed downloads of the app past 10,000 , and prosecutors say the secure files are already strengthening cases in Johannesburg courts. In Kampala , Uganda, a feminist civic tech group called Pollicy has taken a different route. It's Digital Safe Tea game walks players through a choose-your-own-adventure story in which online harassment and doxxing emerge as plot twists. Every decision a player makes is logged anonymously, and the data set is shared with local start-ups so they can close design gaps before the product ships. Ugandan university clubs now use the game in digital safety workshops. These local experiments draw on a global handbook. Australia’s eSafety Commissioner publishes an open-access Safety by Design toolkit that guides developers through risk reviews and privacy by default settings. Kenyan regulators cite t he same resource in a draft rule that would require all new social apps to file safety assessments before launch. As African coders adopt the framework, the hope is that every upload button and contact list will carry built-in defenses long before threats appear. The role of social media platforms Social networks say they are building safer feeds, yet the spotlight has now shifted to what they do for African users specifically. TikTok took a public step last year when it launched a Sub-Saharan Africa Safety Advisory Council in Nairobi and asked lawyers, journalists, and digital rights advocates from Kenya, Ghana, Senegal, and South Africa to critique every policy tweak before code changes go live. Council members meet quarterly and publish minutes so watchdog groups can track whether recommendations turn into product updates. Regional apps are following suit. Ayoba, the chat and content service backed by MTN, has updated its servers to screen every photo against a list of banned images supplied by domestic gender rights groups. Engineers say the check runs in milliseconds and blocks non-consensual intimate pictures before anyone can forward them. Users who flag missed material now see faster takedowns as the filter learns from each report. African survivors are also plugging into a global safety net. Stop NCII , a tool developed by an alliance led by Meta , lets a victim create a digital fingerprint of an intimate photo without uploading the file. That fingerprint travels to dozens of platforms, which then block any upload that matches it. The role of governments Ghana has been on the cutting edge of preventing TFGBV since its Cybersecurity Act took effect in 2020, turning the sharing of intimate images without consent into a criminal offence that can draw a three-year sentence. South Africa soon followed with its Cybercrimes Act, which makes revenge pornography illegal and applies the same duty of care to anyone who reposts the material. Kenya is now in public hearings on draft child online safety rules that would force every social platform and messaging app to file a safety impact assessment before launch. Regional bodies want those national moves to add up. The African Union (AU) Child Online Safety and Empowerment Policy , adopted last year, calls on all member states to write corporate duties into law and to publish public dashboards that track takedown speeds and language coverage. Criminal statutes set the floor, but design mandates and transparency hooks raise the ceiling. When African legislatures pair Ghana-style image-abuse laws with Kenya-style risk-assessment duties and measure progress against AU benchmarks, platforms have no wiggle room to treat TFGBV safeguards as an optional add-on. Borrowing proven mechanisms from Australia’s Online Safety Act can accelerate the process, ensuring every new feature that ships is safe by default, no matter which continent codes it. Technology-facilitated gender-based violence isn’t a side effect of digital growth. It’s the price women pay for being online. The good news is that every piece of Africa’s safety-by-design puzzle is finally on the table. From Lagos to Nairobi, developers are hard-coding privacy safeguards, platforms are inviting African experts into the engine room, governments are embedding design mandates into licenses and AU policy, and civil society networks are feeding survivor data directly into product sprints and policy drafts. It is only th rough such continental collaboration and follow through that Africa might be able to reduce online gender-based-violence. Written by Cecilia Maundu

Even as Africa bears 25 percent of the global disease burden, it remains sidelined in vaccine production Originally published on Global Voices A nurse prepares to administer a vaccine dose in Ghana, 2021. Image by World Health Organization, CC BY-SA 3.0 IGO , via Wikimedia Commons . Africa consumes nearly 25 percent of all globally produced vaccines. Annually, more than 100 major disease outbreaks take place on the continent, which is largely attributed to low vaccination coverage coupled with weak health and surveillance systems. Despite being home to more than 1.4 billion people , which makes up about 18.83 percent of the global population , Africa imports 99 percent of its vaccines and 90 percent of its medical supplies . This dependency proved catastrophic during the COVID-19 pandemic , as countries hoarded doses and tightened export controls, leaving Africa at the back of the queue, even as its most vulnerable communities bore the brunt of the virus and its socioeconomic aftershocks. Vaccine manufacturing in Africa Decades ago, vaccine manufacturing was not a foreign concept in Africa. Nigeria, for example, once had one of the continent’s most vibrant production hubs. This laboratory contributed tremendously to the elimination of smallpox from West Africa , which today, remains the only human infectious disease to have been eradicated globally. However, the production facility was shut down in 1991 by the Nigerian government, and has yet to commence vaccine production three decades later. In other parts of the continent, like Senegal , yellow fever vaccine production began as early as 1937 at the Institut Pasteur de Dakar (IPD), which remains one of only four WHO pre-qualified manufacturers globally. South Africa ’s vaccine production also dates back to the early 1900s through the South African Institute for Medical Research . These historic efforts were proof that African countries once actively contributed to global vaccine supply chains, until dependency on foreign aid, underinvestment in research and development, poor knowledge transfer, and emigration of highly trained professionals eroded much of that capacity. The annual loss to the African health sector from the brain drain of medical professionals is estimated at USD 2 billion . Today, the imbalance is stark. As of 2022, Asia produced 43 percent of the world’s vaccines, including COVID-19 vaccines, while North America and Europe accounted for 35 percent and 20 percent , respectively. In contrast, Africa meets just 0.2 percent of its own vaccine needs through domestic manufacturing. Recognizing this urgent gap, African heads of state in 2021 agreed to the Saving Lives and Livelihoods (SLL) initiative, an ambitious USD 1.5 billion strategy to vaccinate at least 70 percent of the continent’s population and spark a homegrown revolution in health security. Led by the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC) and funded by the Mastercard Foundation , SLL’s first phase helped deliver approximately 35 million COVID-19 vaccine doses , supplied 6 million units of personal protective equipment (PPE) to 12 countries, and facilitated the expansion of genomic sequencing labs from just two before the pandemic to 40 across the continent. Beyond pandemic response, SLL also aims to lay the foundation for a sustainable vaccine manufacturing ecosystem through the Partnership for African Vaccine Manufacturing (PAVM) . As part of this vision, African leaders have committed to achieving vaccine sovereignty by producing 60 percent of the continent’s vaccines by 2040 , in Africa. Clinical trials of vaccines in Africa Even as Africa bears 25 percent of the global disease burden , including malaria, yellow fever, and cholera, it remains a marginal player in vaccine science. Less than three percent of global clinical trials take place on the continent. As a result, most medicines are developed through clinical trials conducted outside Africa without considering the implications of their use in African patients or within African health systems. Addressing a common misconception during a journalist workshop organized by the Africa CDC in June 2025, Dr. Alemayehu Duga , a pharmacovigilance specialist with the Africa CDC, said: Clinical trials are not about using Africa as a testing ground. They are about generating the evidence needed to protect African lives effectively. It helps us develop vaccines for African bodies. A core pillar in the Saving Lives and Livelihoods (SLL) initiative, pharmacovigilance strengthens safety surveillance networks and enhances real-time reporting on adverse events following immunization (AEFI) and adverse events of special interest (AESI) , using real-time and improved tools. The first phase of SLL operated in 29 countries across East, West, and Southern Africa , training health workers, improving cold chain logistics, and delivering vaccines. By the end of the phase, 53 percent of the target population in participating countries had been fully vaccinated. The situation room at the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, Africa CDC headquarters in Addis Ababa. Photo by Adesewa Olofinko. Used with permission. The cost of under-investing in health Aspiration 1 of the African Union Agenda 2063 envisions a healthy, well-nourished, and empowered population. In alignment with this vision, the African Health Strategy (2016–2030) urges member states to prioritize and invest in health through better inter-sectoral collaboration. Yet despite these blueprints, many African governments continue to fall short in public health funding. Under the Abuja Declaration , adopted in 2021, African Union (AU) member states pledged to allocate at least 15 percent of their annual national budgets to health. More than two decades later, that commitment remains largely unmet. Only three countries — Rwanda, Botswana, and Cape Verde have consistently met or exceeded this target . In contrast, over 30 AU member states remain well below the 10 percent benchmark, with countries like Nigeria, Chad, and the Central African Republic allocating as little as five to seven percent of their national budgets to health. Despite these persistent funding gaps, countries like Rwanda and Morocco have made significant progress in pandemic preparedness and local pharmaceutical production . Morocco now ranks second in pharmaceutical production volume on the continent, trailing only South Africa, whose pharmaceutical market is projected to generate USD 13.63 billion by 2025. Rwanda, in particular, stands out as a global health success story, with over 90 percent immunization coverage among children aged 12 to 23 months as recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO). Across Africa, at least 25 vaccine manufacturing projects are in various stages of development, including initiatives in Nigeria, South Africa, Senegal, Egypt, and Kenya. To ensure regulation and access, the African Medicines Agency aims to harmonize regulatory frameworks, while the Africa CDC is working toward supporting the WHO prequalification of eight locally made vaccines by 2030. If the COVID-19 pandemic taught Africa anything, it is that when the next global health crisis hits, no one is coming to save her. Despite the continent’s vulnerability, Africa currently accounts for just 2 percent of global research output and only 1.3 percent of worldwide research spending. In June 2024, Gavi launched the African Vaccine Manufacturing Accelerator (AVMA) , pledging up to USD 1.2 billion over ten years to support the sustainable growth of Africa’s vaccine manufacturing capacity. Around the same time, Afreximbank announced a USD 2 billion commitment through the Africa Health Security Investment Plan to scale health products manufacturing across the continent. Meanwhile, the second phase of the Saving Lives and Livelihoods (SLL) initiative, backed by a USD 638 million investment from Africa CDC and the Mastercard Foundation , is set to run from August 2024 to December 2025 . Written by Adesewa Olofinko

Seven African countries are among the ten lowest-ranked nations worldwide in terms of gender parity Originally published on Global Voices The cover art for the World Economic Forum's Global Gender Gap Report 2025. Image from WEF at Wikipedia . License CC BY-SA 3.0 The World Economic Forum (WEF) has released its Global Gender Gap Report 2025, and seven African countries are among the ten lowest-ranked nations worldwide in terms of gender parity. In this latest edition , Pakistan sits at the very bottom — 148th out of 148 economies covered, with a gender parity score of 56.7 percent. Just above it are Sudan (57.0 percent, 147th), Chad (57.1 percent, 146th), and Iran (58.3 percent, 145th). Other African countries in the bottom 10 include Guinea (59.5 percent, 144th), the Democratic Republic of the Congo (60.1 percent, 143rd), Niger (61.3 percent, 142nd), Algeria (61.4 percent, 141st), and Mali (61.7 percent, 140th). The Global Gender Gap Index The Global Gender Gap Index annually benchmarks the current state and evolution of gender parity across four key dimensions : economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment. These four indicators offer a data-driven lens on the structural inequalities women face globally. In terms of gender gap rankings, Sub-Saharan Africa ranks sixth globally (of eight surveyed regions), with a gender parity score of 68.0 percent. Namibia leads the continent, achieving 81.1 percent gender parity and placing eighth globally. On the other hand, Sudan remains one of the worst performers, with a score of 57.0 percent and one of the world’s lowest levels of female political representation and labor force participation. In economic participation and opportunity, Sub-Saharan Africa comes fifth , with a regional average of 67.5 percent — a 4.8 percentage-point improvement since 2006. However, disparities persist. Chad records the lowest global score in this subindex at 44.4 percent, while Botswana tops the world at 87.3 percent. Liberia (86.5 percent), Eswatini (85.6 percent), Zambia , and Nigeria (76.2 percent) also rank among the top 25 globally in this economic category, at 2nd, 3rd, and 24th, respectively, while South Africa places 98th. Conversely, Sudan (31.3 percent) and Egypt (40.6 percent) are among the bottom five globally, with extremely low earned-income ratios and minimal representation of women in leadership roles. Sub-Saharan Africa ranks eighth in educational attainment with a score of 85.6 percent, up 5.2 percentage points since 2006. This improvement, according to the report, is largely driven by improved enrolment parity at all levels of education. In line with other regions, women surpass men in tertiary enrolment rates. Botswana, Lesotho , and Namibia are among the 41 countries globally that have reached full parity in educational attainment. In the health and survival subindex, Cape Verde , Eswatini, Lesotho, Mauritius , Namibia, and Uganda are among the 17 countries that share the top global position with a parity score of 98 percent. While Liberia (95.5 percent) and Algeria (95.4 percent) fall within the bottom 10 globally on this metric. On political empowerment, Sub-Saharan Africa ranks fifth globally, scoring 22.2 percent. Ethiopia leads the continent in this subindex, placing 12th worldwide with 48.9 percent . By contrast, Nigeria (3.6 percent), Eswatini (3.6 percent), and Sudan (3.0 percent) ranked among the lowest globally, occupying the 143rd, 144th, and 146th positions, respectively. Notably, Rwanda remains the only African economy to have achieved full parliamentary gender parity, with women holding 50 percent or more of legislative seats . South Africa and Ethiopia have also reached gender parity in their ministerial cabinets. Across the continent, women now occupy 40.2 percent of ministerial positions and 37.7 percent of parliamentary seats. Spotlight on the DRC Even though many African countries face gender challenges, the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), ranked 143rd with a score of 60.1 percent on the Global Gender Gap Index, deserves particular attention. Despite being blessed with vast natural resources and being home to the world's second-largest rainforest , the DRC remains one of the five poorest nations in the world, according to the World Bank Group (WBG). It also ranks 175th out of 182 countries on the Human Development Index. According to a UN policy brief , inequalities permeate different areas of society in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), with very few women having access to decent jobs, and girls are less likely to have access to education than boys. “In the DRC, women are underrepresented in parliament, local governments, political parties, and leadership roles across nearly every sector,” says Byobe Malenga , a multimedia journalist and media entrepreneur based in Kinshasa, in an interview with Global Voices. He notes that women remain largely marginalised in decision-making spheres due to social norms and structural inequalities. Some of the biggest barriers to political inclusion include lack of funding, sexism, political violence, and limited access to education. “In the country's provinces, there is only one woman at the head of government, as governor, despite the country being headed by a woman as prime minister,” Byobe adds. “And it’s the same story in many other spaces where decisions are made.” Though articles 5, 14, and 15 of the DRC constitution establish a legal basis for equality and equity policies, women currently occupy only 7.2 percent of positions at the highest level of decision-making at the national level in the parliament and government. Climate shocks are also deepening the divide. Women, who make up around 73 percent of the country’s agricultural workforce, are hit hardest by floods and droughts that wipe out crops and income. “Women are not always entirely ignored in such situations,” Byobe says, “but they are often relegated to secondary or symbolic roles, without real decision-making power.” According to the World Bank Group (WBG), 16.8 percent of Congolese women complete secondary school, half the rate of men. “We must empower one another,” Byobe says. “That way, we strengthen our communities,” but without urgent interventions, the country’s gender ranking will continue to mask the everyday hardships the country is facing. Most significant trends According to the report , Benin recorded the most significant improvement on the continent, gaining 4.6 percentage points and climbing 21 places to reach the 113th position. Zambia also made notable progress, jumping 13 places to 79th. However, not all trends were positive. Togo and Sierra Leone declined by 5.3 and 3.1 percentage points, placing 121st and 112th, respectively. Mozambique dropped 26 places to 53rd. Nigeria, meanwhile, climbed one step to rank 124th, even as Kenya fell 23 places to 98th. Compared to 2024, the global gender gap has narrowed slightly , from 68.4 percent to 68.8 percent in 2025. Among the 145 economies tracked consistently across both years, the modest progress is primarily driven by improvements in Political Empowerment (up 0.7 percentage points to 23.2 percent) and Economic Participation and Opportunity, which increased by 0.4 percentage points (from 60.3 percent to 60.7 percent). At the global level, Iceland (92.6 percent) continues to lead the Global Gender Gap Index, holding the top position for 16 consecutive years , and remains the only economy to have closed more than 90 percent of its gender gap since 2022. The 2025 Global Gender Gap Index highlights that no economy has yet achieved full gender parity, and at the current pace, it will take 123 years to reach it globally . Written by Adesewa Olofinko

“I don’t think that the government is doing enough, I think more should be done in the case of gender-based violence…” Originally published on Global Voices Screenshot of a protester holding a placard from YouTube video, ‘ SOUTH AFRICA : Outrage over alleged rape of 7 year old sparks protests against gender based violence’ by Carrefour medias télévision . Fair use. Content notice: This article contains descriptions of assault and gender-based violence that some readers may find disturbing. By Christianah Lumsden Over 2,000 people marched in Pretoria, South Africa, in early April, demanding government action against ongoing violence towards women and girls in the country. The protests were sparked by the alleged rape of a seven-year-old girl at her school last year in Matatiele , and femicide in Bredasdorp. The young girl, referred to as Cwecwe to protect her identity, became a symbol of public outrage, with thousands gathering in Cape Town to protest . The anger intensified when it was revealed that her mother reported the sexual assault a month after it happened, expressing deep disappointment in the justice system she felt had failed her . The current Miss South Africa, Mia Le Roux , was among the protesters urging the government to do more to uphold the rights of women and girls, especially in the context of abuse. One of the protestors, student activist Nombulelo Chiya, said during an interview : I don’t think that the government is doing enough, I think more should be done in the case of gender-based violence because as I’m speaking to you right now there is currently a woman who’s being raped. There’s currently a child being abused or raped and we’re just chilling and also not speaking up, as if it is a thing that just happens once in a while. According to a recent documentary “Small Town Safe House” by Al Jazeera , several instances of rape and murder in Bredasdorp, South Africa have occurred in the last few years, causing widespread distress and fear among its 15,000 inhabitants. This Black and mixed-race community is also disproportionately affected by societal problems such as extreme poverty, family fractures, drug addiction, and domestic violence. Many women are unable to care for themselves or their children. Some of these children are unable to break the cycle of abuse and poverty, left traumatized and unable to escape the dire conditions they face. Lana O’Neill, a community outreach worker, faces an uphill battle in securing funding from the corrupt government to help these marginalized groups. She tells of one incident which deeply affected her and further scarred the community: Jodene Pieters, a 17-year-old teenager who was raped. Afterward, the perpetrators set fire to her body, which was then thrown into a pit. Jodene’s body was unrecognizable except for a distinctive mark on her leg. African Union leaders strive to protect women and girls At the African Union Summit held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in February 2025, all member states adopted the AU Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls (AU CEVAWG). As noted by Every Woman Treaty , this new Convention is a major step in strengthening women’s rights and protecting women and girls on the continent. Every Woman Treaty explains that limiting gender-based violence and advancing legal frameworks that ensure justice and accountability for all forms of gender-based violence are crucial in attaining overall gender equality. Aisha Simon, Board Chair of Every Woman Treaty, spoke in support of this law, as well as a new Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women ( CEDAW ), a complementary piece of legislation meant to stop violence against women and girls . According to Every Woman , this framework will change social norms and attempt to lower rates of violence and create safer environments where women and girls can live to their full potential. There has been a growing trend in violence against women and girls in Africa since 2023, prompting concern from the UN Women's Organisation. Sima Bahous , UN Women Executive Director, said such violence is preventable through robust legislation, so that governments are held responsible. The 30th anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in 2025 will further enhance the urgency for world leaders to recommit to ending femicide and violence against women and girls. Where does South Africa go from here? The violence and sexual assault cases have not gone unnoticed. Nobunto Hlazo-Webster, deputy leader of Build One SA , urged the South African government to intervene. She noted: We are here to say that the way the justice system works in this country is not conducive to curbing and actually killing the gender-based violence and femicide crisis that we have. She demands that the government publish a National Registry for Sex Offenders that gets updated regularly. She also noted that educators should be screened against this database to deter would-be offenders in schools. The government has introduced legislation that would ensure the safety and protection of women and children from abuse and violence. The National Council on Gender-Based Violence and Femicide Bill and the National Prosecuting Authority Amendment Bill were signed into law in May 2024 to offer leadership guidance to fight gender-based violence against women and children in a proactive approach. As the country reached the milestone of 30 years of democracy, President Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa signed both bills into law and said : “Corruption and gender-based violence are affronts to the human dignity that is the inalienable right of every South African. These forms of criminality are holding our country back and preventing us from realising our full potential.” In a Presidential state of the nation address in February 2024, President Ramaphosa spoke of the long 30-year journey to “achieve a new society” that is democratic, although as a nation, South Africa has “endured times of great difficulty, when the strength of our constitutional democracy has been severely tested.” In his inaugural speech on May 10, 1994, President Nelson Mandela said: Our daily deeds as ordinary South Africans must …reinforce humanity’s belief in justice, strengthen its confidence in the nobility of the human soul. President Mandela’s wish was for the international community to get involved in supporting the rights of the historically marginalized. He said: We trust that you will continue to stand by us as we tackle the challenges of building peace, non-sexism, non-racism, and democracy. Although there has been some progress towards addressing these challenges , the fight against gender-based violence cannot succeed unless South Africans — and the global community that supports the visions of Presidents Ramaphosa and Mandela — stand united in seeking justice alongside the families of Cwecwe and Jodene. Written by Guest Contributor

Confronting colonial myths head on and asserting the rich cultural heritage of the continent Originally published on Global Voices The African Union Permanent Representatives’ Committee members at the African Union headquarters. Image from African Union X page, used with permission. The African Union (AU) has adopted its theme for 2025 as “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations,” a commitment to redress historical injustices caused by slavery , colonialism , and systemic discrimination. This initiative seeks to acknowledge and rectify the enduring impacts of injustices on African communities worldwide. At the core of this movement is the reclamation of African narratives. Centuries of being overshadowed and misrepresented by colonial and other external perspectives have portrayed the continent through a lens of primitivism and inferiority . Such depictions served to justify colonial subjugation and exploitation. African writers and storytellers Some African writers and storytellers have worked to create literature representative of their people's genuine experiences. They confronted colonial myths head on and asserted the rich cultural heritage of the continent. Among them is Ngũgῖ wa Thiong'o from Kenya, an outspoken voice in the decolonization of African literature using African languages as a cornerstone for the preservation and promotion of indigenous narratives. Bessie Head was an internationally acclaimed South African-born writer and a brilliant example of a storyteller who reflected her people in a very realistic light. Her “ When Rain Clouds Gather ” is a sensitive portrayal of rural life in Botswana, with exile, identity, and survival. Through her writings, Head sheds light on the struggles of different communities and delve deep into profound issues of social justice and complexities of post-colonial transitions. Her work remains a powerful testament to the lived realities of African societies. Why Africans must tell their own stories The importance of such storytelling is heightened in 2025 since the AU places an emphasis on reparations — a process that basically underscores the imperative to reclaim the agency of narration for African stories themselves. Redress of historical injustices involves not only material restitution but also repair of dignity and identity. Thus, telling their own story enables Africans and people of African descent to confront and dismantle the indelible damage that colonialism and slavery have left on them. Besides, these stories help in the preservation of heritage. Most of the cultures of Africa have been based on oral traditions for long periods , whereby knowledge, values, and history were passed on from generation to generation. Writing these stories down in both printed and digital formats during the modern age will help preserve them against globalization and cultural homogenization. This is important to maintaining the unique identity of African peoples and their communities, thus creating a feeling of continuity and resilience. Impact of some African literary giants The global recognition of African literature amplifies this further. Writers like Chinua Achebe and Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie have been acclaimed worldwide, setting African stories on the stage within global literary circles. Stereotypes are thus challenged, offering subtle insights into African societies, allowing readers around the world to better engage with the continent beyond the superficial. Achebe and Adichie have greatly shaped the African identity in thought and word, imbuing into their communities the idea of survival. Achebe, reputed to be the father of African literature, spoke right against colonial discourses through his influential novel “ Things Fall Apart .” By portraying a pre-colonial Igbo society with its full nuance, Achebe managed to take back the history and culture of Africans from reductive perspectives on the part of the West. His works reflect the dignity and richness of African traditions while exposing the disrupting influences of colonization, thus allowing readers to connect with a shared heritage. Similarly, Adichie takes this inheritance into the present with her work. Renowned for her novels, which include “ Half of a Yellow Sun ,” she carries the historical eye toward the insight of Nigeria's Biafran War . Adichie's stories celebrate the resilience of African communities; it shows ordinary people navigating extraordinary challenges. Her emphasis has been on the multiplicity of African experiences, fighting stereotypes, and reinforcing a dynamic, evolving sense of identity. Storytelling, in this context, is a form of intellectual and cultural restitution. If financial compensation can address economic disparities, reclaiming narratives confronts the epistemic injustices inflicted upon African peoples. It allows for a correction of historical records, celebration of African achievements, and acknowledgment of the continent's contributions to global civilization. These stories also inspire generations that follow . In the case of a young African or person of African descent, being able to visualize their history and culture represented provides the basis for developing better self-esteem. This empowerment is crucial to build leaders who are proud of their heritage and will drive change in their communities with pride. The 2025 theme of the AU also focuses on unity among Africans and the diaspora. Shared stories can transcend the barriers of distance and culture into one single identity across borders. This unity is necessary to galvanize efforts toward reparative justice, with all voices of the Africans and people of African descent being heard and valued. As the African Union declares 2025 the year of “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations,” the role of African writers and storytellers in reclaiming the narrative is increasingly important. In developing this art, these storytellers challenge historical misrepresentations, preserve the culture, and empower future generations. Their contributions are essential to the wider movement of reparative justice, ensuring that Africans and people of African descent define their own stories and, in so doing, take their rightful place in world history. Written by Mohamed Mohamud