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12 Sep 2026, 02:58 GMT GV Central Asia and Caucasus

A statistic alone does not change society Originally published on Global Voices Silivri Prison in Turkey. Image from Wikimedia Commons . CC BY-SA 4.0 . This article was produced by Ahmet Kavruk from the group Gündem Hapishane in Türkiye through the Digital Spark granting scheme, as part of the Regional Support Mechanism EECA project. It was implemented by the Metamorphosis Foundation and TechSoup , in partnership with CIVICUS and under the Digital Democracy Initiative (DDI) that covers the Global South. It is being published on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement. In late 2025, prisons in Türkiye became more visible than they had been in a long time. The 11th Judicial Package , a legislative reform that became law in December, was debated for days on television, in newspapers, and on social media. Sentencing regulations, claims of early release, and changes to the penal system were at the forefront of public discourse. However, as the debates intensified , another issue came to light: Many people discussing the same topic did not actually have the same information. Having worked in human rights and journalism for over a decade, I repeatedly heard similar questions from those around me during this process. There was significant confusion about who the legislation would cover, what changes it would bring about, and whether it would solve the fundamental problems in prisons. But I noticed something during this debate: prisons are only discussed when a new sentencing regulation is on the agenda, and the debates mostly revolve around well-known individuals or high-profile political cases. Meanwhile, the vast majority of this closed industry, which houses hundreds of thousands of people, remains invisible. That’s where the idea for our Substack newsletter Prison Agenda (Gündem Hapishane) came from. I wanted to create an independent publication that would contribute to discussions about prisons and prisoners’ human rights, not just in times of crisis but from a human rights perspective based on reliable, up-to-date information. I shared this idea with my colleague Tutku Sönmez , and since we both recognized the need, we decided to take action together. Turning numbers into human stories A prison in Sinop, Turkey. Image from Wikimedia Commons . CC BY 2.0 . On January 1, 2026, Tutku and I launched the Prison Agenda. Rather than producing new news, our goal was to translate information that was already publicly available but scattered, technical, and difficult to access into a language that everyone could understand. Every month, we review official statistics, parliamentary commission minutes, Council of Europe reports, EuroPris data, and academic research. We then simplify, verify, and convert these into infographics, data visualizations, and short analyses using digital design tools. We sometimes refer to this process as “rights-based translation,” as our focus is on making existing information visible and accessible rather than generating new knowledge. The unseen ‘high needs’ prisoners Türkiye currently has the largest prison population in Europe, with the number of prisoners more than doubling over the last decade. However, this figure is often presented as nothing more than a cold statistic. Our aim is to remind people that a human being stands behind every number. Take, for example, young children living in prison with their mothers, foreign nationals who cannot access justice mechanisms because they do not speak Turkish, women who cannot benefit from educational and social activities because of staff shortages, and elderly and disabled prisoners who struggle to access healthcare. These groups often do not even make it into the footnotes of official reports. Yet, from a human rights perspective, these are precisely the individuals who should be the most visible. In every piece of content we produce, we strive to reduce this invisibility, even if only slightly, by referencing international standards such as the Bangkok Rules and the Mandela Rules , which establish international baselines for prison standards and the treatment of inmates. A greater impact When we launched the project, our main goal was to create a reliable and sustainable source of information, rather than to reach a large audience. We weren’t sure how the public would respond to regular publications on prisons, a topic which typically receives limited public attention. However, the rapid growth of our subscriber base within a short time showed us that the need was far greater than we had expected. In the first six months, we have received 435 subscribers for our Turkish and English newsletters. Our newsletters began to serve as an important reference source for journalists, human rights advocates, academics and civil society workers. Over time, we have diversified our work, beginning to produce three regular publications: The News Bulletin, which summarises key developments; the Data Bulletin , which analyzes official statistics to highlight trends; and the Parliamentary Monitoring Bulletin , through which we closely track prison-related legislative activities in the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye . We also publish thematic articles focusing on vulnerable groups to mark important dates such as Pride Month, World Refugee Day, International Women’s Day and the Day of Solidarity with Victims of Torture. The challenges and future of independent publishing Needless to say, working in this field is not easy. Prisons are, by their very nature, closed-off institutions that are difficult to oversee. Access to information is limited, official data is fragmented, and bureaucratic processes are slow. Furthermore, addressing these sensitive issues in a political climate where civil society is under pressure involves managing the risk of encountering legal or technical obstacles at any time. Securing financial resources to sustain independent journalism is another challenge. Despite this, Prison Agenda taught me something important about journalism. I used to think that the fundamental role of journalism was to produce information. Today, however, I believe there is another responsibility that is just as important: Transforming complex information into information that people can actually use. Because a statistic alone does not change society. But when we can see the human stories behind that statistic, we can begin to talk about human rights violations and solutions. In the coming period, as we strengthen our Turkish-language publications, we also intend to develop our English-language newsletter further, in order to more effectively connect civil society initiatives in Türkiye with international human rights networks. No matter how physically distant prisons may be from society, the rights of those living inside them are universal. We believe that access to information is a fundamental right, not a privilege. Written by GV Central Asia and Caucasus

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10 Sep 2026, 03:26 GMT Oiwan Lam

‘We cannot allow our young people to become victims of an unjust war of aggression.’ Originally published on Global Voices Representatives from Korean civil society marched from the U.S. Embassy to the Blue House (the executive office and residence of the president of South Korea) in Seoul. Image provided by People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy in its press release . Used with permission. This post is part of Global Voices’ September 2026 Spotlight series, “ Protest in Democracy .” With this Spotlight, we seek to explore the many forms of protest, the tactics states use to delegitimize and suppress them, and the complex relationship between protest and democracy. You can support this coverage by donating here . Upon Seoul confirming its plan to make a “substantive contribution,” including combat or non-combat military deployment options, to the Strait of Hormuz last week, a coalition of 601 civic groups gathered outside the U.S. Embassy on September 9, 2026, and marched towards the presidential office. The protesters were signaling their opposition to South Korea’s involvement in the Middle East conflict, arguing that the decision would undermine the country’s constitution and sovereignty. Since the United States and Israel launched their joint military action against Iran in early 2026, leading to Iran’s blockade of the Straight of Hormuz, U.S. President Donald Trump has been pressuring allies in Europe and Asia to help reopen the Strait by providing military support. As the U.S.’s November 2026 midterm elections approach, pressure to rally international support for this unpopular war is mounting, and Trump has started squeezing his allies harder . Weeks ahead of the U.S.-Japan-South Korea trilateral military drill , Trump wrote on his Truth Social account that he is scaling down U.S. involvement in the exercise due to Seoul’s reluctance to engage in the Middle East conflict. Washington also announced in early September that it would enact a “targeted, thoughtful tariff policy” on semiconductor imports , clearly targeting Seoul, as South Korea is a major hub for the global semiconductor industry. Soon after this announcement , South Korean domestic media outlets quoted a presidential office official saying Seoul was set to deploy troops to Hormuz by late 2026. While President Lee Jae-myung stressed that the plan was still under review and no final decision had been made , the Ministry of National Defense dispatched a field investigation team to assess the situation in Hormuz on September 7. An imperialist war Since President Lee Jae-myung’s announcement on September 4, Korean civil society has released an outpouring of statements and launched numerous protests. On that day, the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions issued a statement warning against any form of military deployment, arguing that if Korea were coerced into joining the “imperialist war,” it would risk the safety of Korean people and the country’s sovereignty. The Trade Unions also criticized the U.S. for trying to leverage semiconductor tariff negotiations to bargain for military backup, suggesting it was underhanded and unethical. Lee Mu-jin, Executive Committee Chair of the Seoul Candlelight Action, the civic coalition which successfully mobilized for former president Yoon Suk Yeol’s impeachment, also spoke out against the U.S. economic coercion in a public gathering on September 5th, urging officials to defend the country’s sovereignty by rejecting Trump’s demands. Many politicians and political parties issued similarly strong statements against the U.S.’s attempt to drag Seoul into the war with Iran. Both the Green Party and the Justice Party described Trump as a “warmonger,” with the latter raising the following question in a statement on X: 미국 내에서조차 트럼프의 소수 측근만이 옹호하는 이 군사작전에 왜 한국의 시민들이, 청년들이 방패막이가 되어야 하는가. 호르무즈 파병동의안은 “전쟁광 호위동의안”이다. Why should South Korean citizens and young people be used as a human shield for this military operation, while within the U.S. only a handful of Trump’s closest aides support the war? The plan to approve the dispatch of troops to the Strait of Hormuz will serve as a ‘consensus to stand by a warmonger.’ Small-scale protests were seen throughout the weekend. On September 5, People in Solidarity with Palestinians, a civic group composed of students and humanitarian workers, organized an emergency rally against the potential military deployment. “한국군 호르무즈 파병 반대한다!” “이재명 정부는 호르무즈에 한국군 파병 말라!” “No War! No Troops!” https://t.co/3AR1kVUKa2 pic.twitter.com/XmMTTqH5Ev — 팔레스타인인들과 연대하는 사람들(팔연사) (@ppl4pal_kr) September 5, 2026 “We Oppose the Deployment of Korean Troops to Hormuz!” “The Lee Jae-myung Government Must Not Deploy Korean Troops to Hormuz!” “No War! No Troops!” Numerous protests and peace actions took place on university campuses and downtown Seoul on September 7. Meanwhile, Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baqaei wrote in Korean on X, suggesting that South Korea’s military presence in Hormuz would result in “serious consequences,” accompanied by an image reading “dangerous choices come with a price.” On September 9, a coalition of 601 civic groups, the Joint Action Against War of Aggression and Troop Deployment, organized a joint action condemning the U.S. diplomatic coercion. In a statement, the coalition described the U.S. and Israel’s attack on Iran as “an unlawful war of aggression” that violates international law and argued that military deployment to the Middle East will violate the South Korean Constitution, as, according to Article 5, the country should “renounce aggressive war.” The coalition stressed: 우리의 청년들을 부당한 침략전쟁의 희생양으로 내어줄 수는 없다. We cannot allow our young people to sacrifice and become victims of an unjust war of aggression. After stating their positions in front of the U.S. embassy, representatives from the civic coalition marched to the Blue House, the executive office and residence of the president of South Korea. The Seoul government has considered the U.S.-ROK security alliance vital to the country’s survival, as after the Korean War (1950–1953), Korea was divided into the North (backed by the Soviet Union) and the South. Hence, South Korea often stands by the U.S. During both the Vietnam War (1963–1974) and the Iraq War (2003–2008), the South Korean government backed the U.S. with military deployment. However, after the democratic transition, investigative news reports about South Korean soldiers’ involvement in the massacre of Vietnamese civilians have sparked self-reflection and a peacebuilding movement, 미안해요 베트남 (I am sorry, Vietnam), among the progressive NGO sector. Hence, under public pressure, the South Korean government took a non-combatant role during the Iraq War. Faced with U.S. coercion, South Korean civil society has adamantly opposed the country’s military involvement in the Middle East, launching numerous protests and peace campaigns since April. Now, despite the military threat coming from North Korea’s nuclear weapons and missile programs and the country’s oil supply being heavily affected by the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, various polls showed that a slight majority of South Koreans still opposed military deployment to the Middle East. As the Lee administration said that it would seek public consensus over the decision, the anti-war network will continue working to stop the country from being dragged into the Iran war. The next grand mobilization is set for September 12. Written by Oiwan Lam

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