Cameroon joins the ranks of WAFCON winners: Nigeria (10), Equatorial Guinea (2), and South Africa (1). Originally published on Global Voices Image of the Cameroonian women’s football team. Screenshot from the video “Cameroon – Women’s CAN: The Undaunted Lionesses Crowned Champions of Africa” on the Africa 24 YouTube Channel . After losing three finals, the Cameroonian women’s football team has finally lifted the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (WAFCON). Their victory over Malawi in Rabat (the capital of Morocco) on August 16, 2026, stands as a testament to this generation’s perseverance and the progressive transformation of African women’s football. For more than two decades, Cameroon has had a reputation for being a powerhouse in African women’s football, but they had never been able to go all the way and snag the coveted WAFCON trophy. However, Sunday, August 16, at the Moulay El Hassan Stadium , told an entirely different story. In the 2026 TotalEnergies Women’s Africa Cup of Nations final, the indomitable Lionesses beat Malawi 3–0, clinching their first-ever continental title. Fourth final’s a charm Before winning this championship title, Cameroon had already reached the WAFCON final in 2004, 2014, and 2016, losing each time to Nigeria without scoring a single goal. According to the official Confederation of African Football (CAF) statistics , the Lionesses hold the record for the most final appearances by a Central African nation. Playing against Malawi in its first-ever WAFCON final, Cameroon left no room for doubt. In the 20th minute, Marie Ngah Manga scored the opening goal, before Naomi Najoah Eto doubled their lead nine minutes later with an acrobatic strike. Just before halftime, Ngah Manga scored a brace, with her second goal bringing the tally to 3–0. BeIN Sports provided detailed coverage of their victory, while sports website Yardbarker provided a tactical analysis. At the final whistle, Cameroon was no longer a team that had never won the final, but the African champion. According to CAF, the country had now become the fourth African nation to lift this trophy, joining Nigeria (10 titles), Equatorial Guinea, and South Africa (2022). Interestingly enough, Cameroon’s title journey has its own paradox. The country didn’t initially secure qualification on the pitch. As CameroonOnline reports, the team could only compete after the tournament expanded from 12 to 16 teams. Once in play, the Lionesses beat Ghana in the group stages, eliminated defending champion Nigeria 1-0 in the quarter-finals, and defeated host country Morocco on penalties in the semi-finals. A generational handover Cameroonian women’s football has long produced many players who ultimately become football legends, including Gabrielle Aboudi Onguéné . Today, a new generation has stepped up to take the mantle. One of the team’s leading figures is Monique Ngock. This 21-year-old midfielder was named Woman of the Competition for her overall tournament performance. According to Yardbarker, she is best known for her tenacity, defensive anticipation, and composure on the ball . Monique’s journey adds unique significance to this victory. At just 17, Monique had played in Cameroon’s 2022 quarter-final elimination match. Four years later, she is now one of the new African champions’ key players. In an interview with CAF, quoted by Olympics.com , Ngock reflected on her initial lack of family support. She hopes this WAFCON title will show young girls watching African women’s football today that “girls can do anything.” At this year’s WAFCON, Cameroonian players largely dominated the individual accolades. In addition to Ngock, goalkeeper Michaely Bihina , who played a decisive role in the semi-final penalty shootout against Morocco, earned the Best Goalkeeper Award. Also, according to The Ghana Report, Marie Ngah Manga was named Player of the Final. However, the Golden Boot, an award for the player who scores the most goals, went to Malawi’s Temwa Chawinga. Chawinga scored five goals and made two assists during her country’s tournament debut. Cameroon’s triumph in Rabat comes at a time when African women’s football is still working to solidify its place, and the talent gap between nations continues to narrow. This final pitted two teams against each other that, ten years ago, wouldn’t have been among the favorites. Cameroon, which missed out on direct qualification, faced Malawi in its tournament debut. As the first final since 2022 to feature two teams that had never won the title, CAF hailed this final as historic event for both sides ; one that crystalizes the emerging support for women’s football across the region. How will Cameroon make the best of this landmark moment? After the first few days of excitement that a continental trophy brings, the real challenge begins. This challenge means investing more in women’s leagues, improving preparation conditions, strengthening youth development, and ensuring visibility for female footballers without depending solely on major international tournaments. In Rabat, the Lionesses overcame a 22-year-long struggle, transforming three lost finals, without scoring a single goal, into their first title win in no uncertain fashion. Most importantly, they have given young girls watching from the country’s major cities, such as Yaoundé, Douala, Bafoussam, and elsewhere on the continent, a renewed vision of what African women’s football can be: A sport where champions and heroines are made. Although this trophy has finally come to Cameroon, the next battle is ensuring this victory becomes a starting point, rather than a mere memory. Written (Français) by Jean Sovon Translated (English) by Laura View original post (Français)

As health-conscious consumers increasingly look beyond wheat, Africa’s Indigenous crops are finding new commercial value. Originally published on Global Voices Packaged Cassava and Potato flour. Photo by Bonface Orucho. Used with permission. This story was written by Bonface Orucho and originally published by Bird Story Agency on July 28, 2026. This revised version is republished below as part of a content-sharing agreement. It is also part of Global Voices’ August 2026 Spotlight series, “ Indigenous Rights .” You can support this coverage by donating here . Wheat has long dominated Africa’s bakeries. But inside Nairobi’s Kirsten Bakery, shelves increasingly feature breads, cakes, and pastries made from naturally gluten-free ingredients such as cassava , millet , and sorghum . The bakery is one example of a broader shift unfolding across Africa, where changing consumer preferences are creating new commercial opportunities for entrepreneurs, food scientists, and manufacturers to transform Indigenous crops into premium food products. The growing appetite for gluten-free foods is not driven solely by medical necessity, such as celiac disease, which makes people intolerant to gluten, explained Judith Moraa, a Nairobi-based nutritionist: Nowadays, people are choosing gluten-free foods not only because they have celiac disease but also because they are sensitive to gluten and experience allergic reactions after consuming products that contain it. She noted that eliminating gluten is not, by itself, a weight-loss strategy, explaining that many consumers mistakenly associate wheat with weight gain when the other contributors, such as excess calories from fats and sugars added during food preparation, are to blame. For consumers who can tolerate gluten, Moraa argues there is no medical reason to eliminate it entirely. However, she added that naturally gluten-free Indigenous crops such as cassava, millet and sorghum offer valuable nutritional benefits because they are rich in dietary fiber that supports digestion. Those changing dietary preferences are increasingly translating into commercial opportunity. The global gluten-free baked goods market was valued at approximately USD 2.6 billion in 2025 and is projected to reach USD 7.38 billion by 2034, according to Fortune Business Insights , reflecting growing demand for specialized bakery products. Although Europe and North America continue to dominate much of the market, African businesses are increasingly positioning Indigenous crops as locally sourced alternatives capable of supplying both domestic consumers and international markets. For many African food manufacturers, Indigenous crops offer advantages beyond nutrition. Cassava , millet and sorghum can often be sourced locally, reducing dependence on imported wheat while strengthening domestic agricultural value chains. Many of these crops are also more resilient to drought and changing climatic conditions, making them increasingly attractive as governments pursue food security alongside industrial development. Making African gluten-free ingredients competitive Researchers are already developing technologies that could make African gluten-free ingredients more competitive in the international market. At the University of Pretoria , Food Science researcher Daddy Kgonothi has developed a patent-pending modified marama bean protein concentrate designed to improve the quality and affordability of gluten-free baked products. Marama beans , drought-resistant and nutrient-rich legumes native to Southern Africa, are being used to tackle one of the biggest technical and commercial challenges facing gluten-free baking: Replicating the structure, elasticity and soft texture that gluten naturally provides in bread. Kgonothi noted: A growing number of consumers with celiac disease are unable to consume gluten-containing foods such as bread and therefore rely on alternative gluten-free products. However, many commercially available gluten-free products are expensive due to the large number of ingredients required to achieve desirable product quality. The invention, which emerged from Kgonothi’s doctoral research and is currently at the prototype stage with a patent application filed, is aimed at food manufacturers producing gluten-free bakery products. He added: I hope that this invention will ultimately reach the right stakeholders, particularly those actively involved in the FMCG (Fast-Moving Consumer Goods) industry. Transforming potatoes into gluten-free foods South African researchers are also exploring ways to transform cosmetically rejected potatoes into premium gluten-free foods, creating new markets for produce that would otherwise go to waste. According to Potatoes South Africa, around 140,000 tons of potatoes worth roughly 759 million South African Rand (USD 46.92 million) are rejected from the formal market each year because they fail to meet retailers’ aesthetic standards, despite being suitable for consumption. Researchers are now investigating how those potatoes can be converted into gluten-free flour and other value-added products. At Stellenbosch University , food science researcher Tanja du Toit has developed gluten-free breads, muffins and pancakes using reformulated potato flour, overcoming one of the biggest technical barriers in gluten-free baking. She explained: Potato flour is naturally gluten-free, which presents an enormous opportunity for product development, especially using lower-grade potatoes, since the defects in potatoes are masked when they’re made into flour. At the University of Pretoria, researchers have also developed gluten-free ready meals, including beef and potato lasagne, using lower-grade potatoes. Consumer trials found that willingness to buy the products increased significantly once shoppers learned they helped reduce food waste, suggesting sustainability is becoming an important driver of purchasing decisions alongside growing demand for convenient gluten-free foods. Researchers believe such innovations could create new value chains for potatoes previously treated as waste, improving farmers’ returns while supplying the expanding market for gluten-free food products. The commercial opportunities Governments are also beginning to build the institutional foundations for the sector. Nigeria recently secured approval through the Codex Alimentarius Commission to lead the development of an international standard for root and tuber flours, including cassava, yam, and sweet potato flour. Similar developments are emerging across the continent. Cassava is increasingly being processed into gluten-free flour across West and Central Africa, while sorghum and millet are finding new applications in specialty foods in Eastern and Southern Africa. Ethiopia’s teff is also moving beyond its traditional regional market. In February, British International Investment committed USD 5 million to Lovegrass Ethiopia to expand production of teff-based foods for domestic and export markets, highlighting growing investor confidence in Indigenous grains. The crop is also beginning to spread beyond Ethiopia, with Kenya’s Agricultural and Livestock Research Organization (KALRO) piloting drought-tolerant teff varieties in Marsabit as part of efforts to strengthen climate resilience while positioning farmers to serve the expanding global market for gluten-free foods. Fonio , cultivated across parts of West Africa, is similarly attracting commercial interest as demand grows for nutrient-rich alternative grains. The commercial opportunity is also extending to finished consumer products. South African producer Colleen’s Handmade Sauces recently expanded into the United Arab Emirates through premium online grocery retailer Kibsons, illustrating how African manufacturers are increasingly exporting gluten-free and clean-label foods alongside ingredients. That commercial momentum is becoming increasingly visible at industry exhibitions such as the AFMASS Food Expo in Nairobi, where millers, ingredient suppliers, equipment manufacturers, and food processors are dedicating growing attention to specialized flours and value-added African ingredients. New product development is also accelerating. Companies such as Mugala Naturals are formulating snack bars using Indigenous ingredients, including teff and amaranth, to meet growing demand for clean-label foods made without artificial additives. These developments in food production and research put the continent in a prime position to lead the artisanal ingredient industry in the future. Written by Bird

For people who are stateless or at risk of statelessness, their fragility can shape every part of life Originally published on Global Voices Image by Katrin Bolovtsova on Pexels . Free to use under a Pexels License . This essay was written by Elgene Lutshiti, Palesa Maloisane, and Thandeka Chauke , courtesy of The Global Movement Against Statelessness (GMAS), a content partner of Global Voices. This post is part of Global Voices’ July 2026 Spotlight series, “ Statelessness .” This series offers insight into the issue of statelessness and how it hinders people’s freedom of movement, educational opportunities, political access, and more. You can support this coverage by donating here . For many people, citizenship is treated as a fact of life. It sits quietly in the background, represented by a birth certificate, an identity document, a passport, a sense of belonging. But for people affected by statelessness, legal identity is not a background issue. It is the line between inclusion and exclusion, between being able to participate in society and being forced to live in its shadows. In South Africa, this reality is visible in the lives of many young people who were born and raised in the country, but remain unable to access citizenship or documentation despite legal entitlement. Section 4(3) of the South African Citizenship Act provides a pathway to citizenship for certain people born in South Africa to parents who were neither South African citizens nor permanent residents. On paper, it should offer a route to legal recognition. In practice, many applicants encounter unclear procedures, inconsistent implementation, inordinate delays, missing records and an administrative architecture that, whether by neglect or design, exhausts rather than resolves. This is where the language of “legal access” must be taken seriously. Access to justice is not only about whether a person can eventually find a lawyer. It is also about whether the law is understandable, whether procedures are accessible, whether officials apply the law consistently, and whether there are meaningful ways to hold the state accountable when rights are denied in practice. These questions become even more urgent in a shrinking civic space. Across many contexts, civil society organisations and public interest lawyers are operating with fewer resources, heavier administrative burdens, and a political climate increasingly hostile towards marginalised groups. In South Africa, the Cabinet-approved Revised White Paper on Citizenship, Immigration and Refugee Protection signals a potentially significant legal restructuring whose implications for statelessness protections remain actively contested, and that contest is occurring precisely when the communities and organisations equipped to monitor it have the least capacity to do so. A narrow legal response is, therefore, not enough. Statelessness and citizenship exclusion require a legal ecosystem. That ecosystem begins at community level. People affected by statelessness are often the first to understand how the system fails — which offices turn people away, which documents are demanded without legal basis, which barriers repeat across generations, and what sustainable responses look like. Building a legal ecosystem means creating structures where that knowledge leads, and affected communities are treated as co-strategists, not passive beneficiaries. This Is Home , a collective of young South Africans living with barriers to citizenship, models this approach: through storytelling, organising, and advocacy, the collective ensures that lived experience informs both legal reform and public understanding: not as a supplement to strategy, but as its foundation. Legal clinics and civil society organisations are often the first point of contact for people who have been turned away by government offices or who do not know whether the law protects them. They translate complex legal rules into practical advice, build trust in communities where formal systems have caused harm, and, critically, identify patterns across individual cases that reveal when a personal problem is also a systemic one. It is at that point that broader partnerships become essential. Private law firms can add a significant layer of support. Pro bono lawyers can help with individual applications, administrative follow-ups, and reviews, freeing up civil society capacity for deeper systemic work. Where clinics identify a pattern that requires structural intervention, private sector partners can bring the resources for strategic litigation, research, and drafting. But the value of private-sector pro bono is not simply the number of hours donated. Its value lies in whether that support strengthens existing community and civil society work. In a shrinking civil space, the visibility that movements and affected communities require is built on a reliable infrastructure and ecosystem of support and international solidarity: an ecosystem of durable referral systems, shared resources and meaningful connection across borders to amplify advocacy and develop regional responses to critical human rights issues. Strategic litigation can be an important tool in this ecosystem, but it should not be mistaken for the whole strategy. Litigation can expose unlawful administrative practices, compel decision-making, clarify legal obligations and secure remedies for individuals and groups. But court orders do not implement themselves. A judgment may create a legal opening, but sustained work is often needed to ensure that officials change their practices, that affected people know their rights, that future applicants can access the procedure, and that the state remains accountable after the case ends. This is particularly important in citizenship and documentation matters, where exclusion is often produced through bureaucracy rather than a single act. A person may not receive a formal refusal. They may simply be told to come back later, to bring additional documents that are not required, to wait for an unspecified decision, or to resolve a problem in an internal system they cannot access. These forms of administrative opacity are difficult to challenge because they are slow, technical and exhausting. They are also deeply harmful. It is precisely because exclusion operates this way, incrementally and bureaucratically and out of reach, that no single actor in the ecosystem can address it alone. The lesson from South Africa’s Section 4(3) context is not only that citizenship laws must be properly implemented. It is that legal entitlement does not automatically produce legal recognition. A right that cannot be accessed in practice remains fragile. For people who are stateless or at risk of statelessness, that fragility can shape every part of life. In a shrinking civic space, this fragility deepens. Durable ecosystems of support are not a supplement to legal strategy; they are the strategy, from community to clinic to court and back again. Building them asks civil society and law firms to collaborate with care. It asks lawyers to listen before they lead. And it asks all of us to understand that this is not only a technical legal project. It is a project of recognition, belonging, and accountability, one in which the people most affected are not merely rights holders to be assisted, but partners whose leadership must shape every part of the response. Palesa Maloisane is a human rights and public interest attorney at Lawyers for Human Rights based in Johannesburg, South Africa who has done extensive work surrounding constitutional and administrative law including, nationality rights, statelessness, feminist strategic litigation and gender equality. Thandeka Chauke is an international human rights lawyer serving as Advocacy Lead for the Global Movement Against Statelessness. Elgene Lutshiti is a Director at Cliffe Dekker Hofmeyr, in their Pro Bono & Human Rights Practice. Written by Global Movement Against Statelessness

Connectivity is no longer just about convenience, but also about fairness and fundamental rights. Originally published on Global Voices Screenshot of the video, “Why there are so many power outages in Africa”, from the Afrique en 365 jours YouTube channel, created with Canva Pro. This article is part of the Global Voices April 2026 “Spotlight” series , “Human Perspectives on AI“ . This series provides an insight into how the World Majority uses AI, the impact of its use and implementation on different communities, what this AI experiment could mean for future generations, and much more. You can support this coverage by donating here . In the global artificial intelligence (AI) race, a fundamental reality affects much of Sub-Saharan Africa. Electricity cuts off several times a day, affecting computer power supplies, and internet connections cost over a quarter of a month’s salary, affecting access to online AI models. Although the emergence of AI has shaken up established industries and catapulted the world into a new technological era, this revolution is two-fold. The transformation it’s meant to bring to the world is more evident in the Global North than the Global South. Every day, leading tech companies announce the launch of new, increasingly powerful models, while Western governments debate complex regulations. In mainstream narratives, the world that AI seeks to transform also remains disproportionately Western. Africa struggles to keep up and embrace this revolution. The continent has a population of over 1.5 billion, more than half of whom live in rural areas that often lack electricity. AI adoption, therefore, encounters two structural obstacles before any algorithmic or data issue: electricity and internet access. Electricity: An invisible and hindering prerequisite In the 21st century, some people still live without electricity. According to the International Energy Agency data , in 2025, almost 600 million Africans lacked access to electricity . Although this figure accounts for 43 percent of the African population, 85 percent of these people are in Sub-Saharan Africa. This disparity shows that, despite ongoing efforts, electricity coverage remains incommensurate with demographic growth, which exceeds the rate of electrification. Unequal access to electricity makes these disparities even more evident. While countries like South Africa, Ghana, and Kenya have higher rates of electrification, other countries like Niger, Chad, and South Sudan have very low rates. In these countries, more than 80 percent of the population lives in areas without reliable access to electricity. Even in countries with more advanced electricity supplies, the quality remains uncertain. Power outages in South Africa and Côte d’Ivoire are daily realities that affect businesses, hospitals, and households alike. Interviewed during the World Governments Summit in Dubai, in February 2026, Walid Sheta, president of Schneider Electric Middle East and Africa, explained the matter to Africanews : Le vrai défi est de coordonner gouvernements, entreprises et partenaires financiers pour électrifier chaque territoire avec une solution adaptée. The real challenge is bringing together governments, companies, and financial partners to electrify each region with tailored solutions. The fact that Africa doesn’t benefit from the wide range of solutions AI offers to many of the continent’s challenges is a major problem. A profound irony lies in the paradox that countries that would gain the most from AI are often those with the least means of accessing it. Various AI tools and platforms specializing in agriculture, medicine, finance, tech, and more require continuously operating smart devices, servers accessible 24/7, and stable networks. These prerequisites are lacking in many regions. Despite these fundamental shortcomings, and while a large proportion of the population experiences daily power outages, African governments and leading tech companies continue to announce national AI strategies, innovation hubs, and partnerships with Google and Microsoft. Folli Herbert Amouzougan, IT specialist and internet governance and digital policy expert in Togo, describes the gap between the political rhetoric surrounding AI and the basic infrastructure reality in Sub-Saharan Africa: Je qualifierai d'aberrant ce décalage entre les discours politiques sur l'IA et la réalité des infrastructures de base en Afrique subsaharienne. Je pense que ces déclarations sont semblables à un saut dans le vide et qu'il ne sert à rien de mettre la charrue avant les bœufs. Il m'est inconcevable de réaliser n'importe quelle prouesse technologique dans un pays sans assainir et stabiliser le secteur énergétique prioritairement et doter le pays en question d'infrastructures de base: un réseau électrique efficace, efficient et opérationnel couvrant au moins 95% du territoire. L'on ne peut construire une tour (IA) sans la bonne fondation (infrastructure énergétique et de connectivité). I would say the gap between the political rhetoric surrounding AI and the basic infrastructure reality in Sub-Saharan Africa is untenable. I believe these pronouncements are like leaping into the unknown, and there’s no point getting ahead of ourselves. Achieving any technological feat in a country without first improving and stabilizing the energy sector and equipping it with basic infrastructure, such as an efficient and functional electricity grid that covers at least 95 percent of the country, is inconceivable to me. You cannot build a tower (AI) without a solid foundation (energy and connectivity infrastructure). Expensive and slow internet connectivity Although electricity is the first obstacle that innovative projects encounter, poor-quality internet access delivers the fatal blow. Both elements are inextricably linked. While internet penetration in Africa is growing , bandwidth quality and speed remain another challenge Africans face. In 2024, Sub-Saharan Africa accounted for 75 percent of the world’s expansion in mobile internet coverage. Yet, the continent’s internet penetration rate in rural areas remains among the lowest in the world. Internet quality poses particular problems for AI users. Its high latency makes the user experience frustrating and renders it unusable for real-time applications. Connection stability has become another crucial factor. Work sessions with AI tools that cut off every 10 minutes due to signal instability aren’t feasible for serious professional use. That said, in suburban and rural areas, this type of disruption remains the norm rather than the exception. Aside from the gross access rate, the relative cost of connectivity is of great concern. In many Sub-Saharan African countries, 1 GB of mobile data can cost between 2 and 10 percent of the average monthly income, making intensive use of cloud-based AI applications completely unaffordable for most. Practical consequences Infrastructural constraints put Sub-Saharan Africa’s startups and small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) wishing to incorporate AI into their workflows at a competitive disadvantage. We must first resolve the OpenAI API access issues before taking the next step. In practice, this disadvantage results in higher costs, VPN connections, expensive mobile data usage, longer lead times, and, sometimes, a complete inability to access the most advanced tools on the global market. AI is also expected to transform education through personalized learning, virtual tutors, automated assessments, and the generation of educational resources. However, all these promises require reliable internet access in educational establishments. According to UNESCO, the vast majority of primary and secondary schools in Sub-Saharan Africa are not connected to the internet. Under such circumstances, educational inequalities are likely to worsen further. Students in major connected cities will therefore benefit from educational AI tools, while those in rural areas will miss out. Solar energy: A promising but partial solution Due to a lack of centralized electricity grids, off-grid solar energy has emerged as an alternative solution in many rural areas. Companies like M-Kopa in Kenya and Bboxx in several Eastern and Western African countries enable households without grid access to access solar energy through solar panels and pay-as-you-go systems. However, these solutions have their AI limitations. Small solar panels effectively power lamps, mobile phones, and even small household appliances, but cannot continuously power high-performance computers, Wi-Fi routers, and local servers required to run AI models locally. With AI meant to redefine access to knowledge, health, employment, and governance, connectivity is no longer just about convenience, but also about fairness and fundamental rights. As long as millions of people in Sub-Saharan Africa don’t have access to reliable electricity or affordable internet, the rhetoric on “AI for all” will remain meaningless. While solutions such as solar energy, undersea cables, offline AI models, and targeted public and private investments exist, what’s missing is a political and economic commitment to addressing these challenges. Not only will Google DeepMind and Anthropic laboratories decide the future of AI, but also Niger’s classrooms without electricity, the Republic of the Congo’s rural health centers, and Nairobi’s startups that are innovating despite the constraints and creativity they entail. Written (Français) by Jean Sovon Translated (English) by Laura View original post (Français)

By 2050, Africa will account for 41 percent of all global births Originally published on Global Voices Screenshot from the video ‘Should we have fewer children?/ Demographics in Africa #1/ Houleye in Mauritania’ on the Les Hauts-Parleurs YouTube channel. Fair use. In public spaces, transport, and the media, we see the challenges facing an increasingly elderly population: increased healthcare needs, failure to adapt infrastructure, public transport, and housing to help maintain their independence. A few weeks ago, I travelled to Japan, where I saw firsthand how the aging population isn’t just an abstract statistic. In 2023, the Japanese population had a life expectancy of over 80 for both men and women, with those over 65 accounting for 29 percent of the population, and those under 15 accounting for 11 percent. Comparatively, for the same time period in Senegal , those over 65 accounted for 3.8 percent of the population, and those under 15 accounted for 39 percent. In Japan, in addition to this observation, I witnessed the effective social and spatial adaptation of infrastructure and services to support this age group: infrastructure designed for limited mobility, health devices, jobs dedicated to elder care, and even the use of technology to aid them in their daily tasks. However, in Africa, we tend to hear more about the population boom. After all, this continent now has the world’s youngest population. According to a UNICEF report published in 2023, by 2050, Africa will account for around 41 percent of all global births — about 40 percent of all children under five, and 35 percent of all adolescents. This young population has the potential to be a massive force for change. Promising initiatives to combat major challenges When young people are supported, they demonstrate their independence and innovation. Such is the case in Kenya, where the Nairobi technology hubs power the “ Silicon Savannah ,” and in Tunisia, where the startup ecosystem is integrated into public employment policies. In Rwanda, the investment policy in digital technology and services has reduced young graduate unemployment by almost 10 percent over the past decade However, as education remains a privilege, this potential is largely underutilized. According to UNESCO, more than 98 million school-aged children and young people are out of school in Sub-Saharan Africa . For 15- to 17-year-olds, the school dropout rate exceeds 50 percent, including in technical courses, and is even higher for girls. As such, millions of young people leave the system without the necessary skills to become agents of development. Only strong political will can reverse that trend, as shown in Ghana, where the Free Senior High School program, combining free access, scholarship policies, and facility improvements, increased secondary school enrolment by 69 percent between 2017 and 2022. Incompatibility between training and employment Sustainable development cannot be limited to access to education; it is still necessary to utilize the acquired skills. Many African education systems remain out of touch with the labor market needs. Technical, vocational, and digital education remains inadequate and often undervalued. The consequences are clear. Every year, 10 to 12 million young people enter the African labor market, but only 3.7 million formal jobs are created. Many turn to informal employment, with precarious incomes and no social protection. This lack of productivity hampers growth, weakens social cohesion, and often fuels migration. According to the National Bureau of Statistics , more than 92 percent of workers in Nigeria are now part of the informal work industry. This percentage is even greater among young people. In a study by the International Labor Organization (ILO), 98 percent of employed young men and 99 percent of employed young women report being in informal employment. In South Africa, informal employment accounts for a significant segment of the economy. According to trade unions, this sector accounts for around 27 percent of the workforce. However, alternatives exist. In Somalia, social entrepreneur and Aspen Institute member Mohamed Ali Dini founded the IFTIN Foundation . This program trains and employs young people, offering them mental health support to overcome the trauma of war and reintegrate into society. This type of integrated approach — employment, health, and resilience — exemplifies how Africa can transform its young people into agents of reconstruction. Among these young people, girls are the ones who experience multiple forms of discrimination: limited access to education, child marriages, teenage pregnancies, and sexual abuse. According to UNICEF , more than one in eight girls in Sub-Saharan Africa has experienced a form of sexual abuse during childhood. And yet, young women are powerful agents of change. In Senegal, initiatives like Senegaleses in Tech or Jokalante train hundreds of young women in digital and coding professions. These often civil-society-led programs show that investing in women’s education and economic independence has a positive effect on society as a whole: higher incomes, reduced inequalities, improved health, and family stability. Empowering young women is, therefore, a key sustainable development strategy. The African Development Bank’s (AfDB) projections indicate that Africa’s working population will increase from about 56 percent to 63 percent by 2050. If this transition is well managed, it could become a source of prosperity. But without massive investment in education, health, training, and formal employment, this advantage could become a disadvantage: a large but marginalized youth population. Some countries have shown the way. In Ethiopia, the Youth Revolving Fund has funded over 200,000 youth entrepreneurial projects since 2019. When built on a coherent national vision, these programs can sustainably reduce youth unemployment and rebuild social trust. Well-defined development priorities Various strategies are required to put this potential into force. The first step involves fundamentally reforming education systems to meet the current needs of local economies. The programs must include digital skills, green occupations, sustainable agriculture, craftsmanship, and small business management. Ensuring universal access to secondary education, especially for girls, requires targeted scholarships, appropriate infrastructure, and local education policies. Secondly, it is vital to create decent jobs that offer young people tangible prospects. This means supporting entrepreneurship with accessible funding mechanisms, mentorship, and greater integration in local and regional markets. Governments and partners must also foster investments in growing sectors, such as technology, light industry, and renewable energy. Health and social protection are another indispensable asset. Youth policies must include reproductive health, mental health, and social security. Particular attention should also be paid to the protection of young women from violence and discrimination, which hinders their economic and social participation. Lastly, youth participation and leadership must be central to public action. Young people, and young women in particular, must be included in decision-making spaces on all levels: local, national, and regional. Fostering inclusive leadership, rooted in community realities, is a prerequisite for building resilient and equitable societies. I often think back on what I saw in Japan, an aging society that, paradoxically, values young people as a rare commodity. There, they want more young people, they look for them, train them, and listen to them. In Africa, we have the opposite, an abundance of young people who are rarely valued. We have the world’s greatest demographic treasure, and yet we don’t make it a priority. Written (Français) by Bowel Diop Translated (English) by Laura View original post (Français)

Online harm is shaping public life as strongly as offline violence Originally published on Global Voices Image by Chad Madden on Unsplash . ( Free to use ). For Kgomotso Modise, a South African journalist covering courts and criminal justice, online harassment has become a daily reality. “The insults are very sexual,” she explains to Global Voices in an interview, noting that her male colleagues expressing similar views never face comparable abuse. Her opinions are routinely sexualized and delegitimized. When she posted content criticizing extrajudicial killings in her country, the backlash escalated into a violation: trolls retrieved childhood photos from her Facebook account and posted them alongside threats of sexual violence against her and her underage niece. But the harm extends far beyond individual journalists. Cybercrime accounts for more than 30 percent of all reported crime in West and East Africa, according to Interpol’s 2025 Africa Cyberthreat Assessment Report . Two-thirds of African member countries surveyed said that cyber-related crimes accounted for a medium-to-high share of all crimes, with online scams, ransomware, business email compromise, and digital sextortion among the most reported threats. Digital threats now reach ordinary users, public institutions, and essential services, creating conditions where intimidation and harmful content can spread easily. Across Africa, Reporters Without Borders has documented sustained online harassment and surveillance targeting women journalists in Africa, noting that digital abuse has become an emerging barrier to press freedom. This year’s 16 Days of Activism (November 25 to December 10) against gender-based violence (GBV) comes at a time when online harm is shaping public life as much as offline violence. Women who comment on public issues, work in journalism, or engage in civic life face increasing hostility that limits their participation. Technology-facilitated violence as part of GBV When I launched the Digital Dada podcast , I wanted to create a space where women journalists could speak openly about their experiences. What I discovered through interviewing dozens of colleagues is that online violence has become one of the fastest-growing forms of gender-based harm in Kenya and across Africa. It manifests as threats, cyberstalking, impersonation, intrusive monitoring, and manipulated content designed to shame or silence women. Every single journalist I’ve interviewed has faced online abuse. The attacks range from targeted harassment and cyberbullying to coordinated trolling campaigns and deeply gendered assaults. Their visibility as women in the media makes them especially vulnerable, turning their online presence into a frequent site for hostility and misogyny. The escalation is terrifying. UN Women warns that what starts small on screens, a message, a comment, or a post, can spiral into a torrent of threats and violence in real life. Private photos are taken without consent, false claims spread within seconds, locations are tracked, and artificial intelligence tools are used to produce deepfakes aimed at shaming and silencing women. I've documented the toll. A television news anchor shared that she began to self-censor because of the fear of continued victimization. Another disclosed that she sought therapy following extreme trolling. Another reported that attacks escalated beyond her, extending to her husband and children. Several journalists have made the difficult decision to deactivate their social media accounts entirely to safeguard their mental well-being. When journalists self-censor, society loses. Freedom of information is jeopardized. These are not isolated incidents; they are systematic attacks designed to push women out of public discourse. Voices from the Luanda summit Digital safety featured prominently at the recent African Union-European Union Summit in Luanda, Zambia. In an interview during the meeting, Ambassador Liberata Mulamula , special envoy to the chairperson of the African Union Commission on Women, Peace and Security, described digital violence as a new threat to peace and security and noted that online spaces can be especially harsh for women in leadership. She spoke openly about the emotional strain caused by persistent abuse, and encouraged women to remain visible online. She stated, “We have mobilised women to use the media and not fear it, because our voices must be heard.” She added that the African Union has created a network of women media professionals to counter misinformation and support survivors of online harm. She also pointed to the African Union’s adoption of its first convention on ending violence against women and girls. She said that implementation must place cybersecurity at the centre and noted that the African Union Women, Peace and Security Forum in Tunisia, which was held on Dec 9 and 10, would address digital violence directly. Ambassador Henriette Geiger , ambassador of the European Union to Kenya and permanent representative to UNEP and UN-Habitat, highlighted the need for stronger cybersecurity capacity as countries digitize essential services. She said the European Union and Kenya are engaged in a data adequacy dialogue to align Kenya’s data protection standards with those of the EU. If successful, she added, Kenya could become a trusted digital hub capable of processing sensitive data securely. Together, the remarks showed a shared recognition that safer digital spaces are essential for women’s participation, equality, and the future of digital cooperation between Africa and Europe. Why the crisis is growing and what must change The rapid expansion of internet access has increased exposure to harmful content. Interpol warns that online threats now target ordinary users and public institutions, making harmful narratives difficult to control. Local reporting shows similar trends. A recent report in Kenya found that many Kenyan women have withdrawn from digital platforms after experiencing harassment linked to political and social discussions. Survivors described feeling unsafe even offline, noting that digital abuse often follows them into their homes. Women seeking political office face the same pressures. A briefing by the Westminster Foundation for Democracy found that candidates face impersonation, doxxing, cyberstalking, and image manipulation intended to discourage them from entering public life. Weak reporting systems and inconsistent policy enforcement add to the problem. Although Kenya has data protection and cybercrime laws , many survivors do not receive timely support, and this is the norm in most African countries. Platforms often remove harmful content slowly, and clear reporting pathways remain limited. These gaps allow online violence to spread even as more services move online. Improving cybersafety requires stronger support services, better platform responses, and clearer mechanisms for reporting incidents. Digital literacy programmes can help users understand safer practices, particularly in rural and low-income communities. Platforms must strengthen their tools for identifying abuse and responding more effectively. Policy frameworks in most African nations provide foundations, but consistent enforcement and adequate resources are needed. Regional cooperation can also support better cybersecurity standards and shared knowledge of emerging threats. This year’s 16 Days of Activism highlighted the need to recognise digital violence as real violence, and remind the public that there is #NoExcuse for online abuse. Written by Cecilia Maundu

Africa could be the world’s next major distribution hub and consumer base for electric vehicles Originally published on Global Voices A road in Casablanca, Morocco. Morocco could play a leading role in Africa’s electric vehicle transition. Image from Wikimedia Commons . License CC BY 3.0 . This article was submitted as part of the Global Voices Climate Justice fellowship, which pairs journalists from Sinophone and Global Majority countries to investigate the effects of Chinese development projects abroad. Find more stories here . Over the last decade, Chinese automakers like BYD, Xpeng, Chery, Wuling, and others have expanded aggressively into the United States and Europe , partly because oversaturation in the domestic market and ongoing price war have made it challenging for automakers to stay profitable. In light of this, Beijing has encouraged Chinese enterprises to go abroad and enter overseas markets through innovation and attractively low prices — especially through green products such as electric vehicles (EVs). However, these markets may no longer be ideal for Chinese automakers looking for foreign buyers. In September 2024, then-US President Joe Biden imposed 100 percent tariffs on Chinese EVs , with current President Donald Trump bumping this to 154 percent in June 2025 . Meanwhile, the European Union has launched investigations into whether Beijing’s national strategy has driven the industry to utilize unfair subsidies. From Washington to Brussels, Chinese automakers face accusations of dumping EVs at unfair prices and damaging the global market. The EU implemented trade barriers in October 2024 to combat this . Facing strong resistance in established automotive markets, many Chinese EV companies are turning to the Global South and shifting their market strategy toward low- and middle-income countries. Africa as the next EV frontier In the new global trade landscape, Africa is no longer just a source of raw materials such as cobalt, lithium, and rare earths — the coveted minerals that feed global battery production. It is an attractive consumer market for automakers looking for new customers and is emerging as a site for production and assembly in China’s electric vehicle supply chain. Read more: Is China responsible for the illegal extraction of mineral resources by its companies in Africa? China's leading automobile maker , BYD, has announced plans to nearly triple its dealership network in South Africa by 2026. Analysts called this a swift move to consolidate market share while competitors hesitate . Another Chinese automobile giant, Chery, is also expanding rapidly across South Africa and Kenya, targeting middle-class buyers with relatively affordable models. According to RFI , Chery South Africa CEO Tony Liu said: 南非是通往非洲大陆的重要门户。南非有非常成熟的汽车金融体系，也有成熟的消费者，他们对售后服务有很高的期望。因此，我们实际上认为南非对我们来说是一个非常具有战略意义的国家和市场。 South Africa is an important gateway to the African continent. South Africa has a very mature auto finance system and also mature consumers who have high expectations for after-sales service. Therefore, we actually consider South Africa to be a very strategic country and market for us. South African President Cyril Ramaphosa tours the Headquarters of BYD and Huawei in Guangdong Province during a visit to China in September 2024 and poses with a BYD model car. Image from South Africa’s GovernmentZA official Flickr account. CC BY-ND 2.0 To facilitate continental battery production, Chinese company Gotion High Tech is building Africa’s first EV gigafactory in Kenitra, Morocco. Moroccan authorities celebrated this project as a positive development that could help the country pivot from industries focused on raw extraction to higher-value production . The government press release read : Cet investissement stratégique majeur, qui porte sur la réalisation d'un écosystème industriel complet de fabrication de batteries électriques à Kenitra, est non seulement la première « gigafactory » qui sera réalisée au Maroc, mais également la première du genre de toute la région Middle East & Africa, consolidant ainsi la position de leader régional du Royaume dans l’industrie automobile et la transition énergétique. This major strategic investment, which involves the creation of a complete industrial ecosystem for the manufacturing of electric batteries in Kenitra, is not only the first ‘gigafactory’ to be built in Morocco, but also the first of its kind in the entire Middle East and Africa region, thus consolidating the Kingdom’s position as a regional leader in the automotive industry and the energy transition. The Gotion High Tech gigafactory is set to open in June 2026, and its location could make it a significant export base for European and African markets. In countries that have traditionally enjoyed warm relations with China, such as Ghana and Kenya, Chinese ministries and state-linked associations are busy holding automotive summits with African governments. New investments in assembly plants and charging infrastructure are packaged as part of “ green mobility partnerships .” Together, these moves show a deliberate attempt to weave Africa into China’s global EV map — not just as a supplier, but as a distribution hub and consumer base. Africa’s own EV momentum To understand the depth of this shift, it’s important to note that African states are not merely passive recipients of Chinese capital. Many countries are proactively embracing the EV transition. According to regional analysis from WowAfrica, a Chinese-language news site about investment in Africa, African countries can be sorted into two categories regarding their approach to EVs: First, established auto producers such as South Africa, Morocco, and Egypt see EVs as a natural extension of their automotive sectors. These narratives align well with China’s goal to create a stronghold in the African market. Secondly, there are the automotive newcomers, such as Kenya, Rwanda, and Uganda . These countries lack legacy industries but view EVs as a chance to leapfrog into cleaner, high-tech manufacturing. While each government has its own agenda, all are trying to leverage the EV transition and tie it into their national economic development plans. For example, Kenya has become one of Africa’s most dynamic EV hubs, boosted by tax incentives , a rapid deployment of charging stations, and governmental support in integrating EV development into the national energy strategy. The capital city, Nairobi, has launched a fleet of electric buses to make its public transportation system greener. An electric bus charging in Nairobi, Kenya. Screenshot from YouTube video . Fair use. A star startup company, Roam Motors in Kenya, has secured financing from the US government’s development finance institution (DFC) to scale electric buses and motorcycles , while German development agency GIZ is working with the government to upgrade transport efficiency. Another example is Uganda’s introduction of a National Electric Mobility Policy in 2018. The policy offers favorable exemptions from VAT, import duties, and tax cuts for EVs, batteries, and charging equipment. EV24.Africa, a group promoting EV adoption on the continent, explained the government's long-term plans: “ The government aims to encourage EV adoption despite higher costs, targeting full electrification of public transport by 2030 and passenger vehicles by 2040 .” Meanwhile, Morocco is in an especially unique position on the continent, as a potential gateway into African, European, and US markets. An estimated 80–90 percent of Morocco’s vehicle output is currently exported to Europe, second only to China . The Moroccan government has announced plans to leverage its robust manufacturing network to ensure up to 60 percent of its exported cars are electric by 2030. Moroccan officials have highlighted the country’s position as a free-trade partner with raw-material suppliers and European buyers, making it a logical hub for battery gigafactories. China has strongly welcomed such policies. For years, Morocco has been painted as one of the most essential parts of China’s Belt and Road initiative (BRI), its global infrastructure, transportation, and energy connectivity project. The EU’s latest tariff controls on Chinese EVs have made Morocco a highly discussed and enticing new hub for Chinese companies. Global Exhibition, a Shanghai-based group facilitating business expansion into Western Asia and North Africa, explained the strategy behind the shift to Morocco: 对中国而言，摩洛哥不仅是其电动汽车行业离岸外包的重要选择，更是其全球战略棋局中的一枚关键棋子。通过布局摩洛哥，中国不仅能够避开欧美的保护主义政策，继续将产品销往西方市场，还能够进一步拓展其在非洲和全球的影响力。 For China, Morocco is not only an important offshore outsourcing option for its electric vehicle industry but also a strategic pawn in its global game plan. By establishing a strong presence in Morocco, China can sidestep US and European protectionist policies to keep selling into Western markets, while at the same time expanding its influence across Africa and the broader global stage. A large number of Chinese media and state-related research institutes are similarly praising Morocco for its essential role in boosting China’s global EV strategy. But it’s not the only player trying to get into the EV production game. The South African government announced in March 2025 that it would commit ZAR 1 billion (USD 54.27 million) to boost its electric vehicle (EV) production by 2035. This investment aims to transform the country’s automotive industry by focusing on EVs, batteries, and supporting infrastructure. The local government believes “the plan aligns with global sustainability goals and aims to reduce greenhouse gas emissions while maintaining South Africa’s position as a leading automotive hub in sub-Saharan Africa.” Based on this momentum, it’s fair to say that Africa is not just being “plugged into” China’s supply chain, but is also trying to set its own terms in the global EV race. A BYD outlet. Screenshot from YouTube . The promise and the trap Chinese state narratives, its companies, and national policymakers all believe China’s EV market integration with Africa is a “win-win” — Africa gets jobs, infrastructure, and rapid clean mobility integration, while China maintains production volumes and global reach. But the reality is more complex. Many analysts have warned that Africa risks being locked into the lower ladder of the EV value chain. Assembly plants and dealerships rarely transition into advanced manufacturing or technology transfer, according to a report by Africa Confidential . Another risk is the uneven benefits. Even Morocco’s gigafactory, though ambitious, is deeply tied to Chinese-controlled networks , raising questions about sovereignty and bargaining power. A long-term risk is the so-called Green Paradox — EVs are undeniably more climate-friendly than gas cars in the long term, but the initial extraction of cobalt, lithium, and rare earths needed to manufacture them often brings environmental and social damage if the mining is unregulated, careless, and exploitative. Without stronger governance, Africa risks replicating old extractive patterns under a “green” banner . The result may be dependency hidden in language of sustainability: Africa as a peripheral supplier and low-cost consumer market in a Chinese-led system. To combat this, green advocates insist that local voices must be heard and included in decision-making processes. If the green transition is to be just and equitable, African people must be included and have an equal stake. Written by Jean Sovon , Vivian Wu

Multiple whistleblower protection bills have stalled in Nigeria’s National Assembly over the years Originally published on Global Voices Panelists at the National interactive forum on whistleblower protection for Federal High Court Judges. Photo by AFRICMIL. Used with permission. Nigeria’s whistleblower policy , introduced on December 21, 2016, was designed as a quick fix to expose systemic corruption. It promised whistleblowers between 2.5 and 5 percent of recovered looted public funds. However, while the policy incentivizes disclosures, it does not guarantee protection. Instead, whistleblowers often face surveillance, dismissal, or even death threats . Multiple attempts to pass a whistleblower protection bill over the years have stalled in Nigeria’s National Assembly, leaving whistleblowers legally vulnerable. Nigeria’s fragile whistleblowing framework On September 18, 2025, Federal High Court judges and civil society advocates debated on Nigeria’s fragile whistleblowing framework at a national interactive forum convened by the African Centre for Media & Information Literacy (AFRICMIL) for federal high court judges, in Abuja, Nigeria’s capital city. Harry Ogwuche, the Director of Economic and Social Rights at Nigeria’s National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), shared during the debate: Protecting whistleblowers is not an abstract anti-corruption strategy; it is a direct, proactive investment in the enjoyment of fundamental human rights as enshrined in Chapter IV of our Constitution and various international covenants Nigeria is party to. The role of judges in protecting whistleblowers While seeking the support of judges in the advocacy for a whistleblower protection law in Nigeria, Chido Onumah, Coordinator of AFRICMIL, said: Judges are key actors in any judicial system. Therefore, the forum aims to provide a platform for interaction with judges on whistleblowing, its legal framework, and the critical role they play in ensuring justice for whistleblowers and handling corruption cases effectively. At the forum, persecuted whistleblower Yisa Usman shared how he was pressured, intimidated, and sidelined from his profession after blowing the whistle on his company. Usman is a chartered accountant who worked in the finance and accounts department, but after exposing corruption, he was redeployed to the ICT department, transferred to different states, and subsequently fired. He said: Because I decided to speak up, I am jobless. I was ostracized and frustrated to accept the norm. To remain silent is to be complicit. To achieve results as a whistleblower, it is important to be familiar with the laws because if you know the laws that guide and protect you, you will be able to challenge them. Despite several attempts to detain me, I am walking free because of the judiciary. Existing and pending laws to protect whistleblowers Nigeria’s Constitution and several statutes already contain protections that could be extended to whistleblowers. These include: Section 39 of the 1999 Constitution , which guarantees freedom of expression. Section 6(4)(c) of the National Human Rights Commission Act prohibits harassment of individuals who cooperate with the Commission. Anti-corruption laws like the EFCC Act and ICPC Act provide limited safeguards. The Freedom of Information Act protects disclosures made in good faith. In practice, these fragmented provisions are inconsistently applied, and without a unified protection law, whistleblowers continue to face retaliation. Nigeria’s situation contrasts sharply with that of its regional neighbors. Ghana’s Whistleblower Act (Act 720) and South Africa’s Protected Disclosures Act provide dedicated mechanisms. Vladimir Radomirović, a Serbian journalist and co-founder of Pištaljka , an organization based in Belgrade that provides free legal aid and protection to whistleblowers, shared his experiences of building alliances with the judiciary to strengthen whistleblower protection in Serbia. He said: The judges have a very influential role in protecting whistleblowers in Serbia, and we try to work with judges and allow them to hear from whistleblowers about how they are retaliated against for protecting the public interest. AFRICMIL and its partners urged the Nigerian legislature to urgently enact the whistleblower protection law, one that guarantees anonymity, provides penalties against retaliation, and establishes an independent body to oversee cases. Whistleblowers and civil society organizations appealed to judges to embrace a proactive role in safeguarding whistleblowers. They called for progressive adjudication that interprets existing laws in the spirit of transparency and protection for defenders; expedited hearings to ensure justice is not delayed and therefore denied; the awarding of exemplary damages against retaliators to serve as a deterrent; and above all, the protection of anonymity in court procedures. These recommendations, they argued, are vital if the judiciary is to strengthen trust, uphold justice, and ensure that whistleblowing truly serves as a tool for accountability in Nigeria. Written by Pamela Ephraim

A United Nations Women poll found that 58 percent of girls and young women have experienced at least one form of online harassment, often before they turn twenty-five.

‘Technology-facilitated gender-based violence isn’t a side effect of digital growth. It’s the price women pay for being online.’ Originally published on Global Voices Women using social media. Image by cottonbro studio on Pexels ( Free to use ). In early 2025, researchers tracking African elections uncovered a wave of AI-generated deepfake videos targeting women journalists and female candidates in Ghana, Senegal, and Namibia — synthetic clips designed to humiliate and discredit them, and drive them offline. The attack was chillingly effective, echoing a broader pattern in which technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV) silences women’s voices at precisely the moments they most need to be heard. A global survey released in April shows the scale of the problem. More than half of women entrepreneurs in low- and middle-income countries report online harassment, and four in ten have pulled back from public life to protect themselves. Among women journalists, the picture is worse, with nearly three-quarters saying they have endured abuse that is often tied to disinformation and deepfakes. Yet most digital platforms still act on safety only after harm has spread, treating protection as an upgrade instead of a core function. Safety by design flips that script by embedding privacy, consent, and abuse detection into code and business rules from the start. What exactly is TFGBV — and why does “Safety by Design” matter? Technology-facilitated gender-based violence ( TFGBV ) is “any act that is committed, assisted, aggravated, or amplified through digital tools and ICTs that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, psychological, social, political, or economic harm.” It ranges from image-based abuse, deep-fake pornography, and sextortion to doxxing, cyber-stalking, hate speech, and gendered disinformation. Because the content can be replicated, searched, and shared indefinitely, the harm is portable across platforms and persistent over time, blurring the boundary between “online” and “offline” abuse. A United Nations Women poll found that 58 percent of girls and young women have experienced at least one form of online harassment, often before they turn twenty-five. In Kenya, a 2024 study of university students found that almost 90 percent witnessed technology-facilitated abuse on campus timelines, and nearly four in ten had been targets themselves. These numbers point to a crisis where victims frequently respond by self-censoring, stepping back from public life, and losing economic or political opportunities, which in turn suppresses diverse voices in civic discourse. Support Global Voices as we publish more articles like this one For more information about this campaign, please go here. And that’s why Safety by Design matters. The Australian eSafety Commissioner frames Safety by Design as putting “user safety and rights at the center of product development,” encouraging companies to anticipate, detect, and eliminate online harms before they occur rather than “moving fast and breaking things.” Safety by Design provides a common vocabulary and measurable benchmarks for safety. In short, it moves TFGBV prevention from an afterthought to a design requirement, the digital equivalent of fitting seatbelts in every car. Responsibility spans the entire ecosystem, encompassing platforms, regulators, developers, and civic groups, rather than resting on engineers alone. The role of technology developers and civil society Civil society is often the first place survivors turn and the last line of accountability when companies or states fall short. Across Africa, feminist tech collectives, digital-rights NGOs, and faith-based survivor networks are converting lived experience into data, tools, and hard policy wins, while plugging into global coalitions for bigger leverage. East African trainers from the Safe Sisters network travel from market towns to radio stations, teaching women journalists how to spot spyware and store evidence in the cloud. South African coders behind the GRIT mobile app are demonstrating what safety-first engineering looks like in practice. After conversations with survivors of domestic violence, the team built an encrypted vault that lets users record evidence and store court details in a cloud space that only they can unlock. The feature has pushed downloads of the app past 10,000 , and prosecutors say the secure files are already strengthening cases in Johannesburg courts. In Kampala , Uganda, a feminist civic tech group called Pollicy has taken a different route. It's Digital Safe Tea game walks players through a choose-your-own-adventure story in which online harassment and doxxing emerge as plot twists. Every decision a player makes is logged anonymously, and the data set is shared with local start-ups so they can close design gaps before the product ships. Ugandan university clubs now use the game in digital safety workshops. These local experiments draw on a global handbook. Australia’s eSafety Commissioner publishes an open-access Safety by Design toolkit that guides developers through risk reviews and privacy by default settings. Kenyan regulators cite t he same resource in a draft rule that would require all new social apps to file safety assessments before launch. As African coders adopt the framework, the hope is that every upload button and contact list will carry built-in defenses long before threats appear. The role of social media platforms Social networks say they are building safer feeds, yet the spotlight has now shifted to what they do for African users specifically. TikTok took a public step last year when it launched a Sub-Saharan Africa Safety Advisory Council in Nairobi and asked lawyers, journalists, and digital rights advocates from Kenya, Ghana, Senegal, and South Africa to critique every policy tweak before code changes go live. Council members meet quarterly and publish minutes so watchdog groups can track whether recommendations turn into product updates. Regional apps are following suit. Ayoba, the chat and content service backed by MTN, has updated its servers to screen every photo against a list of banned images supplied by domestic gender rights groups. Engineers say the check runs in milliseconds and blocks non-consensual intimate pictures before anyone can forward them. Users who flag missed material now see faster takedowns as the filter learns from each report. African survivors are also plugging into a global safety net. Stop NCII , a tool developed by an alliance led by Meta , lets a victim create a digital fingerprint of an intimate photo without uploading the file. That fingerprint travels to dozens of platforms, which then block any upload that matches it. The role of governments Ghana has been on the cutting edge of preventing TFGBV since its Cybersecurity Act took effect in 2020, turning the sharing of intimate images without consent into a criminal offence that can draw a three-year sentence. South Africa soon followed with its Cybercrimes Act, which makes revenge pornography illegal and applies the same duty of care to anyone who reposts the material. Kenya is now in public hearings on draft child online safety rules that would force every social platform and messaging app to file a safety impact assessment before launch. Regional bodies want those national moves to add up. The African Union (AU) Child Online Safety and Empowerment Policy , adopted last year, calls on all member states to write corporate duties into law and to publish public dashboards that track takedown speeds and language coverage. Criminal statutes set the floor, but design mandates and transparency hooks raise the ceiling. When African legislatures pair Ghana-style image-abuse laws with Kenya-style risk-assessment duties and measure progress against AU benchmarks, platforms have no wiggle room to treat TFGBV safeguards as an optional add-on. Borrowing proven mechanisms from Australia’s Online Safety Act can accelerate the process, ensuring every new feature that ships is safe by default, no matter which continent codes it. Technology-facilitated gender-based violence isn’t a side effect of digital growth. It’s the price women pay for being online. The good news is that every piece of Africa’s safety-by-design puzzle is finally on the table. From Lagos to Nairobi, developers are hard-coding privacy safeguards, platforms are inviting African experts into the engine room, governments are embedding design mandates into licenses and AU policy, and civil society networks are feeding survivor data directly into product sprints and policy drafts. It is only th rough such continental collaboration and follow through that Africa might be able to reduce online gender-based-violence. Written by Cecilia Maundu

Even as Africa bears 25 percent of the global disease burden, it remains sidelined in vaccine production Originally published on Global Voices A nurse prepares to administer a vaccine dose in Ghana, 2021. Image by World Health Organization, CC BY-SA 3.0 IGO , via Wikimedia Commons . Africa consumes nearly 25 percent of all globally produced vaccines. Annually, more than 100 major disease outbreaks take place on the continent, which is largely attributed to low vaccination coverage coupled with weak health and surveillance systems. Despite being home to more than 1.4 billion people , which makes up about 18.83 percent of the global population , Africa imports 99 percent of its vaccines and 90 percent of its medical supplies . This dependency proved catastrophic during the COVID-19 pandemic , as countries hoarded doses and tightened export controls, leaving Africa at the back of the queue, even as its most vulnerable communities bore the brunt of the virus and its socioeconomic aftershocks. Vaccine manufacturing in Africa Decades ago, vaccine manufacturing was not a foreign concept in Africa. Nigeria, for example, once had one of the continent’s most vibrant production hubs. This laboratory contributed tremendously to the elimination of smallpox from West Africa , which today, remains the only human infectious disease to have been eradicated globally. However, the production facility was shut down in 1991 by the Nigerian government, and has yet to commence vaccine production three decades later. In other parts of the continent, like Senegal , yellow fever vaccine production began as early as 1937 at the Institut Pasteur de Dakar (IPD), which remains one of only four WHO pre-qualified manufacturers globally. South Africa ’s vaccine production also dates back to the early 1900s through the South African Institute for Medical Research . These historic efforts were proof that African countries once actively contributed to global vaccine supply chains, until dependency on foreign aid, underinvestment in research and development, poor knowledge transfer, and emigration of highly trained professionals eroded much of that capacity. The annual loss to the African health sector from the brain drain of medical professionals is estimated at USD 2 billion . Today, the imbalance is stark. As of 2022, Asia produced 43 percent of the world’s vaccines, including COVID-19 vaccines, while North America and Europe accounted for 35 percent and 20 percent , respectively. In contrast, Africa meets just 0.2 percent of its own vaccine needs through domestic manufacturing. Recognizing this urgent gap, African heads of state in 2021 agreed to the Saving Lives and Livelihoods (SLL) initiative, an ambitious USD 1.5 billion strategy to vaccinate at least 70 percent of the continent’s population and spark a homegrown revolution in health security. Led by the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC) and funded by the Mastercard Foundation , SLL’s first phase helped deliver approximately 35 million COVID-19 vaccine doses , supplied 6 million units of personal protective equipment (PPE) to 12 countries, and facilitated the expansion of genomic sequencing labs from just two before the pandemic to 40 across the continent. Beyond pandemic response, SLL also aims to lay the foundation for a sustainable vaccine manufacturing ecosystem through the Partnership for African Vaccine Manufacturing (PAVM) . As part of this vision, African leaders have committed to achieving vaccine sovereignty by producing 60 percent of the continent’s vaccines by 2040 , in Africa. Clinical trials of vaccines in Africa Even as Africa bears 25 percent of the global disease burden , including malaria, yellow fever, and cholera, it remains a marginal player in vaccine science. Less than three percent of global clinical trials take place on the continent. As a result, most medicines are developed through clinical trials conducted outside Africa without considering the implications of their use in African patients or within African health systems. Addressing a common misconception during a journalist workshop organized by the Africa CDC in June 2025, Dr. Alemayehu Duga , a pharmacovigilance specialist with the Africa CDC, said: Clinical trials are not about using Africa as a testing ground. They are about generating the evidence needed to protect African lives effectively. It helps us develop vaccines for African bodies. A core pillar in the Saving Lives and Livelihoods (SLL) initiative, pharmacovigilance strengthens safety surveillance networks and enhances real-time reporting on adverse events following immunization (AEFI) and adverse events of special interest (AESI) , using real-time and improved tools. The first phase of SLL operated in 29 countries across East, West, and Southern Africa , training health workers, improving cold chain logistics, and delivering vaccines. By the end of the phase, 53 percent of the target population in participating countries had been fully vaccinated. The situation room at the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, Africa CDC headquarters in Addis Ababa. Photo by Adesewa Olofinko. Used with permission. The cost of under-investing in health Aspiration 1 of the African Union Agenda 2063 envisions a healthy, well-nourished, and empowered population. In alignment with this vision, the African Health Strategy (2016–2030) urges member states to prioritize and invest in health through better inter-sectoral collaboration. Yet despite these blueprints, many African governments continue to fall short in public health funding. Under the Abuja Declaration , adopted in 2021, African Union (AU) member states pledged to allocate at least 15 percent of their annual national budgets to health. More than two decades later, that commitment remains largely unmet. Only three countries — Rwanda, Botswana, and Cape Verde have consistently met or exceeded this target . In contrast, over 30 AU member states remain well below the 10 percent benchmark, with countries like Nigeria, Chad, and the Central African Republic allocating as little as five to seven percent of their national budgets to health. Despite these persistent funding gaps, countries like Rwanda and Morocco have made significant progress in pandemic preparedness and local pharmaceutical production . Morocco now ranks second in pharmaceutical production volume on the continent, trailing only South Africa, whose pharmaceutical market is projected to generate USD 13.63 billion by 2025. Rwanda, in particular, stands out as a global health success story, with over 90 percent immunization coverage among children aged 12 to 23 months as recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO). Across Africa, at least 25 vaccine manufacturing projects are in various stages of development, including initiatives in Nigeria, South Africa, Senegal, Egypt, and Kenya. To ensure regulation and access, the African Medicines Agency aims to harmonize regulatory frameworks, while the Africa CDC is working toward supporting the WHO prequalification of eight locally made vaccines by 2030. If the COVID-19 pandemic taught Africa anything, it is that when the next global health crisis hits, no one is coming to save her. Despite the continent’s vulnerability, Africa currently accounts for just 2 percent of global research output and only 1.3 percent of worldwide research spending. In June 2024, Gavi launched the African Vaccine Manufacturing Accelerator (AVMA) , pledging up to USD 1.2 billion over ten years to support the sustainable growth of Africa’s vaccine manufacturing capacity. Around the same time, Afreximbank announced a USD 2 billion commitment through the Africa Health Security Investment Plan to scale health products manufacturing across the continent. Meanwhile, the second phase of the Saving Lives and Livelihoods (SLL) initiative, backed by a USD 638 million investment from Africa CDC and the Mastercard Foundation , is set to run from August 2024 to December 2025 . Written by Adesewa Olofinko

Seven African countries are among the ten lowest-ranked nations worldwide in terms of gender parity Originally published on Global Voices The cover art for the World Economic Forum's Global Gender Gap Report 2025. Image from WEF at Wikipedia . License CC BY-SA 3.0 The World Economic Forum (WEF) has released its Global Gender Gap Report 2025, and seven African countries are among the ten lowest-ranked nations worldwide in terms of gender parity. In this latest edition , Pakistan sits at the very bottom — 148th out of 148 economies covered, with a gender parity score of 56.7 percent. Just above it are Sudan (57.0 percent, 147th), Chad (57.1 percent, 146th), and Iran (58.3 percent, 145th). Other African countries in the bottom 10 include Guinea (59.5 percent, 144th), the Democratic Republic of the Congo (60.1 percent, 143rd), Niger (61.3 percent, 142nd), Algeria (61.4 percent, 141st), and Mali (61.7 percent, 140th). The Global Gender Gap Index The Global Gender Gap Index annually benchmarks the current state and evolution of gender parity across four key dimensions : economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment. These four indicators offer a data-driven lens on the structural inequalities women face globally. In terms of gender gap rankings, Sub-Saharan Africa ranks sixth globally (of eight surveyed regions), with a gender parity score of 68.0 percent. Namibia leads the continent, achieving 81.1 percent gender parity and placing eighth globally. On the other hand, Sudan remains one of the worst performers, with a score of 57.0 percent and one of the world’s lowest levels of female political representation and labor force participation. In economic participation and opportunity, Sub-Saharan Africa comes fifth , with a regional average of 67.5 percent — a 4.8 percentage-point improvement since 2006. However, disparities persist. Chad records the lowest global score in this subindex at 44.4 percent, while Botswana tops the world at 87.3 percent. Liberia (86.5 percent), Eswatini (85.6 percent), Zambia , and Nigeria (76.2 percent) also rank among the top 25 globally in this economic category, at 2nd, 3rd, and 24th, respectively, while South Africa places 98th. Conversely, Sudan (31.3 percent) and Egypt (40.6 percent) are among the bottom five globally, with extremely low earned-income ratios and minimal representation of women in leadership roles. Sub-Saharan Africa ranks eighth in educational attainment with a score of 85.6 percent, up 5.2 percentage points since 2006. This improvement, according to the report, is largely driven by improved enrolment parity at all levels of education. In line with other regions, women surpass men in tertiary enrolment rates. Botswana, Lesotho , and Namibia are among the 41 countries globally that have reached full parity in educational attainment. In the health and survival subindex, Cape Verde , Eswatini, Lesotho, Mauritius , Namibia, and Uganda are among the 17 countries that share the top global position with a parity score of 98 percent. While Liberia (95.5 percent) and Algeria (95.4 percent) fall within the bottom 10 globally on this metric. On political empowerment, Sub-Saharan Africa ranks fifth globally, scoring 22.2 percent. Ethiopia leads the continent in this subindex, placing 12th worldwide with 48.9 percent . By contrast, Nigeria (3.6 percent), Eswatini (3.6 percent), and Sudan (3.0 percent) ranked among the lowest globally, occupying the 143rd, 144th, and 146th positions, respectively. Notably, Rwanda remains the only African economy to have achieved full parliamentary gender parity, with women holding 50 percent or more of legislative seats . South Africa and Ethiopia have also reached gender parity in their ministerial cabinets. Across the continent, women now occupy 40.2 percent of ministerial positions and 37.7 percent of parliamentary seats. Spotlight on the DRC Even though many African countries face gender challenges, the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), ranked 143rd with a score of 60.1 percent on the Global Gender Gap Index, deserves particular attention. Despite being blessed with vast natural resources and being home to the world's second-largest rainforest , the DRC remains one of the five poorest nations in the world, according to the World Bank Group (WBG). It also ranks 175th out of 182 countries on the Human Development Index. According to a UN policy brief , inequalities permeate different areas of society in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), with very few women having access to decent jobs, and girls are less likely to have access to education than boys. “In the DRC, women are underrepresented in parliament, local governments, political parties, and leadership roles across nearly every sector,” says Byobe Malenga , a multimedia journalist and media entrepreneur based in Kinshasa, in an interview with Global Voices. He notes that women remain largely marginalised in decision-making spheres due to social norms and structural inequalities. Some of the biggest barriers to political inclusion include lack of funding, sexism, political violence, and limited access to education. “In the country's provinces, there is only one woman at the head of government, as governor, despite the country being headed by a woman as prime minister,” Byobe adds. “And it’s the same story in many other spaces where decisions are made.” Though articles 5, 14, and 15 of the DRC constitution establish a legal basis for equality and equity policies, women currently occupy only 7.2 percent of positions at the highest level of decision-making at the national level in the parliament and government. Climate shocks are also deepening the divide. Women, who make up around 73 percent of the country’s agricultural workforce, are hit hardest by floods and droughts that wipe out crops and income. “Women are not always entirely ignored in such situations,” Byobe says, “but they are often relegated to secondary or symbolic roles, without real decision-making power.” According to the World Bank Group (WBG), 16.8 percent of Congolese women complete secondary school, half the rate of men. “We must empower one another,” Byobe says. “That way, we strengthen our communities,” but without urgent interventions, the country’s gender ranking will continue to mask the everyday hardships the country is facing. Most significant trends According to the report , Benin recorded the most significant improvement on the continent, gaining 4.6 percentage points and climbing 21 places to reach the 113th position. Zambia also made notable progress, jumping 13 places to 79th. However, not all trends were positive. Togo and Sierra Leone declined by 5.3 and 3.1 percentage points, placing 121st and 112th, respectively. Mozambique dropped 26 places to 53rd. Nigeria, meanwhile, climbed one step to rank 124th, even as Kenya fell 23 places to 98th. Compared to 2024, the global gender gap has narrowed slightly , from 68.4 percent to 68.8 percent in 2025. Among the 145 economies tracked consistently across both years, the modest progress is primarily driven by improvements in Political Empowerment (up 0.7 percentage points to 23.2 percent) and Economic Participation and Opportunity, which increased by 0.4 percentage points (from 60.3 percent to 60.7 percent). At the global level, Iceland (92.6 percent) continues to lead the Global Gender Gap Index, holding the top position for 16 consecutive years , and remains the only economy to have closed more than 90 percent of its gender gap since 2022. The 2025 Global Gender Gap Index highlights that no economy has yet achieved full gender parity, and at the current pace, it will take 123 years to reach it globally . Written by Adesewa Olofinko

“When I was fighting for my South African citizenship, the department told me, ‘There's nothing we can do for you. To us, basically, you don't even exist.’”

When you are stateless, the question of ‘where you are from’ takes on a whole new meaning Originally published on Global Voices Image made on Canva Pro by Ameya Nagarajan for Global Voices “ Where Are You REALLY From? ” is a podcast series from Global Voices that emerged from a panel at the December 2024 Global Voices summit in Nepal, where members of the Global Voices community shared their experiences of dealing with other people's perceptions about their diverse and complex origin stories. In each episode, we invite our guests to reflect on the assumptions that lie behind the question, “But where are you really from?” and how they respond. The podcast is hosted by Akwe Amosu, who works in the human rights sector after an earlier career in journalism and is also a coach and a poet. She is a co-chair of the Global Voices board. She's in conversation with Sihle Nxumalo, a former stateless person who is now part of the leadership of the Global Movement against Statelessness . The transcript of this episode has been edited for clarity. Akwe Amosu (AA): Hello and welcome to Where Are You Really From? A podcast that explores identities. I'm Akwe Amosu, and today I'm speaking to Sihle Nxumalo. Excuse me for mispronouncing your name, Sihle. Sihle Nxumalo (SN): You pronounced it correctly. AA: Thank you. SN: Thank you for having me. Thank you for that kindness. AA: So, Sihle, why do people ask you this question? Where are you really from? SN: It's because I was born in Durban, South Africa, and I was given away to foster care in a different province, the Limpopo province in South Africa. And growing up, I couldn't really speak the local language that well. And so people were curious as to why I could not speak the local language that well. And so they would want to know where I'm from, where I live. But then they'll be like, no, where are you really from? Because you don't speak the language, so you can't be really from here. And so that's why people would normally ask that question. AA: What would that feel like for you? SN: A bit strange — people wanting to know where I'm really from and not wanting to know where I am. And so, yeah, it felt quite strange people wanting to know where am I really, really from. AA: And then how did you react? Like, what did you say? SN: I would usually tell them where I was born, and they would understand why I couldn't really speak the language because I was born in a different province. And so, yeah, people would understand owing to that, yes. AA: So do you think it's just neutral curiosity, they just wanted to know a bit more about you, or was there something else behind the question SN: I think it was more out of curiosity — wanting to know where this person really is from, because he doesn't seem to be a local person. Where were you born? You know, where are your parents from? And so I think it was mostly out of curiosity. AA: And for you, does that end the question? Once you've answered the question, they know what they want to know, and you've said what you need to say, and everything's fine? Or does it leave some kind of feeling behind afterwards, of maybe I don't really belong here, or? SN: Maybe I wish I'd said something different. I'm just curious about what it leaves behind when you get asked this question. Yeah, you would get that feeling as if I don't really believe this, or I'm not a part of the community. It makes me feel different from other people. And the most interesting thing is that in my late teens, I went back to the province where I was born and found my biological mother. And so when I moved in with my biological mother, people from my hometown would ask me the exact same question because now I can't speak the local language that well. So they will be like, “Are you really from Limpopo?” Like “No I was born here. I'm from here.” And it will be difficult for them to understand or to believe that because my accent is different. I can't speak the local language that well. And so that was very interesting, that I would get the question from both sides. And so even in my hometown, I felt like an outsider because people would want to know, “Where are you really from?” And I'm from there,e and people found it hard to believe because of my accent. And so, yeah, it would leave me feeling like an outsider, feeling like I don't really belong. Yeah, that's what I would get. AA: And I guess, yeah, you're caught between two schools. You can't belong in any one of those two places. SN: Exactly, exactly. I felt like an outsider, a foreigner, even in my hometown. So it was quite strange. AA: Why do you think it matters so much to people to know this about you? SN: I don't know why it matters so much where I'm from. I guess people just want to understand you better, maybe, or want to have reasons. They need answers or reasons as to why you don't have the local accent. Why can't you speak the language. And so people just want to answer the questions that they have running in their minds. And so they want to satisfy the questions that they have in their minds. Yeah, I guess just to satisfy themselves basically. Sihle Nxumalo. Used with permission. AA: So you're back with your mom at that time, and you're living in a community that really ought to have felt like yours, but people weren't sure that you were really a member. What were the consequences of not really belonging there in their minds? SN: I think people tend to mistrust people that are not like them. And so I feel like there was a bit of a mistrust of who I am. What are my intentions here? Why am I different from them? Why am I not like them? So I think it's their own personal issue that they have. They don't feel comfortable with outsiders and people that don't look or speak like them. There's a mistrust there as to whether he's not one of us, he may not be united with us, or in solidarity with us. And so there's a bit of a mistrust there. AA: So I'm curious about what you would like to say about yourself if the conditions are right, if you're not worried about the consequences, what do you feel you are? SN: I feel I am a South African. What language I speak and where I grew up doesn't really matter and shouldn't really matter, as long as I am doing the right thing and doing the best that I can to serve the community, to unite with the people, to make friends. And so, where I am really from doesn't really matter. It's just what type of person I am. And people can judge me on my character rather than where I come from, where I grew up, or what language I speak. But my character should speak for itself. AA: And how soon in your life did you come to that conclusion? I mean, it's one thing to be an adult, confident that you can hold your head up. But I think when you're young and not quite so secure, it's a bit more scary to take that view or not. I don't know. What was it like for you trying to assert that as a young person? SN: As a young person, I tried to keep my friends or acquaintances very small. There were a few people who trusted me, who would do things with me. And so I didn't really navigate it as a child. I think I stayed away from that as a child and tend to keep a small circle of friends that understood me better and wouldn't have all these questions running in their minds. And so I tried to avoid putting myself out there. AA: And do you think that the adults around you knew or understood that this was what was going on in your mind? SN: I don't think so. I don't think they had a clue what was happening because I also wouldn't voice my feelings that much. I would just keep it to myself. Maybe I'd confide in a friend, but I would avoid it most of the time. I wouldn't speak out about it. I wouldn't let the adults know how I was feeling. And so it was just a personal thing that I had going on in my mind. AA: How do you think you have managed to survive that sense of insecurity and lack of safety to come to a place where you can now proudly say, I'm South African, it's who I am, not where I come from that matters? SN: You know, at the time when I was fighting for my South African citizenship, that's when I became emboldened. That's when I became more aware of who I am, and I became not afraid of voicing myself and letting people know who exactly I am. And whether they accepted it or not, it didn't matter to me because I knew the truth. I wasn't afraid of people asking me that question. I just stood on my character and what I knew to be the truth. AA: And why did you have to fight for your citizenship? SN: Because I grew up in foster care. I had no birth certificate or anything. And the foster care that I grew up in also didn't help me get a birth certificate at my young age. I didn't even know that I was stateless until almost the end of school. That's when I realized that, hey, I don't have a birth certificate. I cannot get an identity card. And so I have to go out there and try to find my biological parent in order for me to try to get my citizenship. And so, I had to make the bold step of moving from one province as a young teenager to another one in Durban, where I had to go and look for my biological mother, and I found her. And then from there, I also got some answers about who I really am, where I was born, and who my parents are. My mother uses a different surname from me. I didn't even know that. And I got to understand myself and where I come from much better. AA: So we started this conversation just focusing on where in South Africa you came from. and the questions people asked you about that. But now I'm understanding how much broader and deeper this question is. It's not just about what region or city you come from. It's just having an identity from scratch with the state. That's a big deal for a young person to have to deal with. SN: Yes. It was very frustrating because the home affairs department wasn't of much help to me — especially because my mother died a few months after I found her. So I was left to fight the citizenship battle on my own. Without an elder or a parent with you, it becomes more difficult because the department won't listen to what you have to say. They want a parent or an elder there that can vouch for you. I didn't have anybody, having grown up in foster care. I had no family, I didn't know anybody, and so it was a battle that I had to fight alone, basically. That was a very difficult period of my life. It was very exhausting. It made me question a lot about who I am and why I am here. It even brought me, at times, to have suicidal thoughts. And so it was a very, very difficult period in my life. But I was very resilient. I soldiered on. And in the end, I achieved what I set out to achieve. And today I have my South African citizenship. And I'm proud of my resilience and my hard work that I put in, the suffering that I had to go through — being told that I don't even exist. The department told me, “ To us, basically, you don't even exist.” And I would ask the question, “What do you mean I don't exist? I'm standing right in front of you. You can see me. What do you mean I don't exist?” And that was very hurtful and painful. But in the end, it all paid off. And today, I am a proper South African citizen with documents. So I'm proud of what I was able to achieve. AA: It is truly an impressive struggle. And I really salute that you've been able to fight through and reach this point. Thank you so much. I think there are going to be many people who are given some courage listening to you, knowing that they face problems, but that it's possible to prevail. Thank you so much. SN: I really appreciate the opportunity. Listen to other episodes here: Where Are You REALLY From? Written by Akwe Amosu

“I don’t think that the government is doing enough, I think more should be done in the case of gender-based violence…” Originally published on Global Voices Screenshot of a protester holding a placard from YouTube video, ‘ SOUTH AFRICA : Outrage over alleged rape of 7 year old sparks protests against gender based violence’ by Carrefour medias télévision . Fair use. Content notice: This article contains descriptions of assault and gender-based violence that some readers may find disturbing. By Christianah Lumsden Over 2,000 people marched in Pretoria, South Africa, in early April, demanding government action against ongoing violence towards women and girls in the country. The protests were sparked by the alleged rape of a seven-year-old girl at her school last year in Matatiele , and femicide in Bredasdorp. The young girl, referred to as Cwecwe to protect her identity, became a symbol of public outrage, with thousands gathering in Cape Town to protest . The anger intensified when it was revealed that her mother reported the sexual assault a month after it happened, expressing deep disappointment in the justice system she felt had failed her . The current Miss South Africa, Mia Le Roux , was among the protesters urging the government to do more to uphold the rights of women and girls, especially in the context of abuse. One of the protestors, student activist Nombulelo Chiya, said during an interview : I don’t think that the government is doing enough, I think more should be done in the case of gender-based violence because as I’m speaking to you right now there is currently a woman who’s being raped. There’s currently a child being abused or raped and we’re just chilling and also not speaking up, as if it is a thing that just happens once in a while. According to a recent documentary “Small Town Safe House” by Al Jazeera , several instances of rape and murder in Bredasdorp, South Africa have occurred in the last few years, causing widespread distress and fear among its 15,000 inhabitants. This Black and mixed-race community is also disproportionately affected by societal problems such as extreme poverty, family fractures, drug addiction, and domestic violence. Many women are unable to care for themselves or their children. Some of these children are unable to break the cycle of abuse and poverty, left traumatized and unable to escape the dire conditions they face. Lana O’Neill, a community outreach worker, faces an uphill battle in securing funding from the corrupt government to help these marginalized groups. She tells of one incident which deeply affected her and further scarred the community: Jodene Pieters, a 17-year-old teenager who was raped. Afterward, the perpetrators set fire to her body, which was then thrown into a pit. Jodene’s body was unrecognizable except for a distinctive mark on her leg. African Union leaders strive to protect women and girls At the African Union Summit held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in February 2025, all member states adopted the AU Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls (AU CEVAWG). As noted by Every Woman Treaty , this new Convention is a major step in strengthening women’s rights and protecting women and girls on the continent. Every Woman Treaty explains that limiting gender-based violence and advancing legal frameworks that ensure justice and accountability for all forms of gender-based violence are crucial in attaining overall gender equality. Aisha Simon, Board Chair of Every Woman Treaty, spoke in support of this law, as well as a new Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women ( CEDAW ), a complementary piece of legislation meant to stop violence against women and girls . According to Every Woman , this framework will change social norms and attempt to lower rates of violence and create safer environments where women and girls can live to their full potential. There has been a growing trend in violence against women and girls in Africa since 2023, prompting concern from the UN Women's Organisation. Sima Bahous , UN Women Executive Director, said such violence is preventable through robust legislation, so that governments are held responsible. The 30th anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in 2025 will further enhance the urgency for world leaders to recommit to ending femicide and violence against women and girls. Where does South Africa go from here? The violence and sexual assault cases have not gone unnoticed. Nobunto Hlazo-Webster, deputy leader of Build One SA , urged the South African government to intervene. She noted: We are here to say that the way the justice system works in this country is not conducive to curbing and actually killing the gender-based violence and femicide crisis that we have. She demands that the government publish a National Registry for Sex Offenders that gets updated regularly. She also noted that educators should be screened against this database to deter would-be offenders in schools. The government has introduced legislation that would ensure the safety and protection of women and children from abuse and violence. The National Council on Gender-Based Violence and Femicide Bill and the National Prosecuting Authority Amendment Bill were signed into law in May 2024 to offer leadership guidance to fight gender-based violence against women and children in a proactive approach. As the country reached the milestone of 30 years of democracy, President Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa signed both bills into law and said : “Corruption and gender-based violence are affronts to the human dignity that is the inalienable right of every South African. These forms of criminality are holding our country back and preventing us from realising our full potential.” In a Presidential state of the nation address in February 2024, President Ramaphosa spoke of the long 30-year journey to “achieve a new society” that is democratic, although as a nation, South Africa has “endured times of great difficulty, when the strength of our constitutional democracy has been severely tested.” In his inaugural speech on May 10, 1994, President Nelson Mandela said: Our daily deeds as ordinary South Africans must …reinforce humanity’s belief in justice, strengthen its confidence in the nobility of the human soul. President Mandela’s wish was for the international community to get involved in supporting the rights of the historically marginalized. He said: We trust that you will continue to stand by us as we tackle the challenges of building peace, non-sexism, non-racism, and democracy. Although there has been some progress towards addressing these challenges , the fight against gender-based violence cannot succeed unless South Africans — and the global community that supports the visions of Presidents Ramaphosa and Mandela — stand united in seeking justice alongside the families of Cwecwe and Jodene. Written by Guest Contributor

Confronting colonial myths head on and asserting the rich cultural heritage of the continent Originally published on Global Voices The African Union Permanent Representatives’ Committee members at the African Union headquarters. Image from African Union X page, used with permission. The African Union (AU) has adopted its theme for 2025 as “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations,” a commitment to redress historical injustices caused by slavery , colonialism , and systemic discrimination. This initiative seeks to acknowledge and rectify the enduring impacts of injustices on African communities worldwide. At the core of this movement is the reclamation of African narratives. Centuries of being overshadowed and misrepresented by colonial and other external perspectives have portrayed the continent through a lens of primitivism and inferiority . Such depictions served to justify colonial subjugation and exploitation. African writers and storytellers Some African writers and storytellers have worked to create literature representative of their people's genuine experiences. They confronted colonial myths head on and asserted the rich cultural heritage of the continent. Among them is Ngũgῖ wa Thiong'o from Kenya, an outspoken voice in the decolonization of African literature using African languages as a cornerstone for the preservation and promotion of indigenous narratives. Bessie Head was an internationally acclaimed South African-born writer and a brilliant example of a storyteller who reflected her people in a very realistic light. Her “ When Rain Clouds Gather ” is a sensitive portrayal of rural life in Botswana, with exile, identity, and survival. Through her writings, Head sheds light on the struggles of different communities and delve deep into profound issues of social justice and complexities of post-colonial transitions. Her work remains a powerful testament to the lived realities of African societies. Why Africans must tell their own stories The importance of such storytelling is heightened in 2025 since the AU places an emphasis on reparations — a process that basically underscores the imperative to reclaim the agency of narration for African stories themselves. Redress of historical injustices involves not only material restitution but also repair of dignity and identity. Thus, telling their own story enables Africans and people of African descent to confront and dismantle the indelible damage that colonialism and slavery have left on them. Besides, these stories help in the preservation of heritage. Most of the cultures of Africa have been based on oral traditions for long periods , whereby knowledge, values, and history were passed on from generation to generation. Writing these stories down in both printed and digital formats during the modern age will help preserve them against globalization and cultural homogenization. This is important to maintaining the unique identity of African peoples and their communities, thus creating a feeling of continuity and resilience. Impact of some African literary giants The global recognition of African literature amplifies this further. Writers like Chinua Achebe and Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie have been acclaimed worldwide, setting African stories on the stage within global literary circles. Stereotypes are thus challenged, offering subtle insights into African societies, allowing readers around the world to better engage with the continent beyond the superficial. Achebe and Adichie have greatly shaped the African identity in thought and word, imbuing into their communities the idea of survival. Achebe, reputed to be the father of African literature, spoke right against colonial discourses through his influential novel “ Things Fall Apart .” By portraying a pre-colonial Igbo society with its full nuance, Achebe managed to take back the history and culture of Africans from reductive perspectives on the part of the West. His works reflect the dignity and richness of African traditions while exposing the disrupting influences of colonization, thus allowing readers to connect with a shared heritage. Similarly, Adichie takes this inheritance into the present with her work. Renowned for her novels, which include “ Half of a Yellow Sun ,” she carries the historical eye toward the insight of Nigeria's Biafran War . Adichie's stories celebrate the resilience of African communities; it shows ordinary people navigating extraordinary challenges. Her emphasis has been on the multiplicity of African experiences, fighting stereotypes, and reinforcing a dynamic, evolving sense of identity. Storytelling, in this context, is a form of intellectual and cultural restitution. If financial compensation can address economic disparities, reclaiming narratives confronts the epistemic injustices inflicted upon African peoples. It allows for a correction of historical records, celebration of African achievements, and acknowledgment of the continent's contributions to global civilization. These stories also inspire generations that follow . In the case of a young African or person of African descent, being able to visualize their history and culture represented provides the basis for developing better self-esteem. This empowerment is crucial to build leaders who are proud of their heritage and will drive change in their communities with pride. The 2025 theme of the AU also focuses on unity among Africans and the diaspora. Shared stories can transcend the barriers of distance and culture into one single identity across borders. This unity is necessary to galvanize efforts toward reparative justice, with all voices of the Africans and people of African descent being heard and valued. As the African Union declares 2025 the year of “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations,” the role of African writers and storytellers in reclaiming the narrative is increasingly important. In developing this art, these storytellers challenge historical misrepresentations, preserve the culture, and empower future generations. Their contributions are essential to the wider movement of reparative justice, ensuring that Africans and people of African descent define their own stories and, in so doing, take their rightful place in world history. Written by Mohamed Mohamud